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No. 99-5
In the Supreme Court of the United States
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, PETITIONER
v.
ANTONIO J. MORRISON, ET AL.
ON PETITION FOR A WRIT OF CERTIORARI
TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE FOURTH CIRCUIT
APPENDIX TO THE
PETITION FOR A WRIT OF CERTIORARI
(VOLUME 2)
SETH P. WAXMAN
Solicitor General
Counsel of Record
DAVID W. OGDEN
Acting Assistant Attorney
General
BARBARA D. UNDERWOOD
Deputy Solicitor General
BARBARA MCDOWELL
Assistant to the Solicitor
General
MARK B. STERN
ALISA B. KLEIN
ANNE MURPHY
Attorneys
Department of Justice
Washington, D.C. 20530-0001
(202) 514-2217
APPENDIX B
UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE FOURTH CIRCUIT
Nos. 96-1814, 96-2316
CHRISTY BRZONKALA, PLAINTIFF-APPELLANT
v.
VIRGINIA POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTE
AND STATE UNIVERSITY; ANTONIO J. MORRISON; JAMES LANDALE CRAWFORD,
DEFENDANTS-APPELLEES
AND
CORNELL D. BROWN; WILLIAM E. LANDSIDLE,
IN HIS CAPACITY AS COMPTROLLER OF THE COMMONWEALTH, DEFENDANTS
LAW PROFESSORS; VIRGINIANS ALIGNED AGAINST SEXUAL ASSAULT; THE ANTI-DEFAMATION
LEAGUE; CENTER FOR WOMEN POLICY STUDIES; THE D.C. RAPE CRISIS CENTER; EQUAL
RIGHTS ADVOCATES; THE GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY LAW CENTER SEX DISCRIMINATION
CLINIC; JEWISH WOMEN INTERNATIONAL; THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE OF SEXUAL ASSAULT
COALITIONS; THE NATIONAL COALITION AGAINST DOMESTIC VIOLENCE; THE NATIONAL
COALITION AGAINST SEXUAL ASSAULT; THE NATIONAL NETWORK TO END DOMESTIC VIOLENCE;
NATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR WOMEN; NORTHWEST WOMEN'S LAW CENTER; THE PENNSYLVANIA
COALITION AGAINST DOMESTIC VIOLENCE, INCORPORATED; VIRGINIA NATIONAL ORGANIZATION
FOR WOMEN; VIRGINIA NOW LEGAL DEFENSE AND EDUCATION FUND, INCORPORATED;
WOMEN EMPLOYED; WOMEN'S LAW PROJECT; WOMEN'S LEGAL DEFENSE FUND; INDEPENDENT
WOMEN'S FORUM; WOMEN'S FREEDOM NETWORK, AMICI CURIAE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
INTERVENOR-APPELLANT
AND
CHRISTY BRZONKALA, PLAINTIFF
v.
ANTONIO J. MORRISON; JAMES LANDALE
CRAWFORD, DEFENDANTS-APPELLEES
AND
VIRGINIA POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTE AND STATE
UNIVERSITY; CORNELL D. BROWN; WILLIAM E. LANDSIDLE, IN HIS CAPACITY AS COMPTROLLER
OF THE COMMOWEALTH, DEFENDANTS
LAW PROFESSORS; VIRGINIANS ALIGNED AGAINST SEXUAL ASSAULT; THE ANTI-DEFAMATION
LEAGUE;
CENTER FOR WOMEN POLICY STUDIES; THE D.C. RAPE CRISIS CENTER; EQUAL RIGHTS
ADVOCATES; THE GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY LAW CENTER SEX DISCRIMINATION CLINIC;
JEWISH WOMEN INTERNATIONAL; THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE OF SEXUAL ASSAULT COALITIONS;
THE NATIONAL COALITION AGAINST DOMESTIC VIOLENCE; THE NATIONAL COALITION
AGAINST SEXUAL ASSAULT; THE NATIONAL NETWORK TO END DOMESTIC VIOLENCE; NATIONAL
ORGANIZATION FOR WOMEN; NORTHWEST WOMEN'S LAW CENTER; THE PENNSYLVANIA COALITION
AGAINST DOMESTIC VIOLENCE, INCORPORATED; VIRGINIA NATIONAL ORGANIZATION
FOR WOMEN; VIRGINIA NOW LEGAL DEFENSE AND EDUCATION FUND, INCORPORATED;
WOMEN EMPLOYED; WOMEN'S LAW PROJECT; WOMEN'S LEGAL DEFENSE FUND; INDEPENDENT
WOMEN'S FORUM; WOMEN'S FREEDOM NETWORK, AMICI CURIAE
[Argued: June 4, 1997]
[Decided: Dec. 23, 1997]
OPINION
Before: HALL, LUTTIG, and MOTZ, Circuit Judges.
DIANA GRIBBON MOTZ, Circuit Judge:
This case arises from the gang rape of a freshman at the Virginia Polytechnic
Institute by two members of the college football team, and the school's
decision to impose only a nominal punishment on the rapists. The victim
alleges that these rapes were motivated by her assailants' discriminatory
animus toward women and sues them pursuant to the Violence Against Women
Act of 1994. She asserts that the university knew of the brutal attacks
she received and yet failed to take any meaningful action to punish her
offenders or protect her, but instead permitted a sexually hostile environment
to flourish; she sues the university under Title IX of the Education Amendments
of 1972. The district court dismissed the case in its entirety. The court
held that the complaint failed to state a claim under Title IX and that
Congress lacked constitutional authority to enact the Violence Against Women
Act. Because we believe that the complaint states a claim under Title IX
and that the Commerce Clause provides Congress with authority to enact the
Violence Against Women Act, we reverse and remand for further proceedings.
I.
Christy Brzonkala entered Virginia Polytechnic Institute ("Virginia
Tech") as a freshman in the fall of 1994.1 On the evening of September
21, 1994, Brzonkala and another female student met two men who Brzonkala
knew only by their first names and their status as members of the Virginia
Tech football team. Within thirty minutes of first meeting Brzonkala, these
two men, later identified as Antonio Morrison and James Crawford, raped
her.
Brzonkala and her friend met Morrison and Crawford on the third floor of
the dormitory where Brzonkala lived. All four students talked for approximately
fifteen minutes in a student dormitory room. Brzonkala's friend and Crawford
then left the room.
Morrison immediately asked Brzonkala if she would have sexual intercourse
with him. She twice told Morrison "no," but Morrison was not deterred.
As Brzonkala got up to leave the room Morrison grabbed her, and threw her,
face-up, on a bed. He pushed her down by the shoulders and disrobed her.
Morrison turned off the lights, used his arms to pin down her elbows and
pressed his knees against her legs. Brzonkala struggled and attempted to
push Morrison off, but to no avail. Without using a condom, Morrison forcibly
raped her.
Before Brzonkala could recover, Crawford came into the room and exchanged
places with Morrison. Crawford also raped Brzonkala by holding down her
arms and using his knees to pin her legs open. He, too, used no condom.
When Crawford was finished, Morrison raped her for a third time, again holding
her down and again without a condom.
When Morrison had finished with Brzonkala, he warned her "You better
not have any fucking diseases." In the months following the rape, Morrison
announced publicly in the dormitory's dining room that he "like[d]
to get girls drunk and fuck the shit out of them."
Following the assault Brzonkala's behavior changed radically. She became
depressed and avoided contact with her classmates and residents of her dormitory.
She changed her appearance and cut off her long hair. She ceased attending
classes and eventually attempted suicide. She sought assistance from a Virginia
Tech psychiatrist, who treated her and prescribed anti-depressant medication.
Neither the psychiatrist nor any other Virginia Tech employee or official
made more than a cursory inquiry into the cause of Brzonkala's distress.
She later sought and received a retroactive withdrawal from Virginia Tech
for the 1994-95 academic year because of the trauma.
Approximately a month after Morrison and Crawford assaulted Brzonkala, she
confided in her roommate that she had been raped, but could not bring herself
to discuss the details. It was not until February 1995, however, that Brzonkala
was able to identify Morrison and Crawford as the two men who had raped
her. Two months later, she filed a complaint against them under Virginia
Tech's Sexual Assault Policy, which was published in the Virginia Tech "University
Policies for Student Life 1994-1995." These policies had been formally
released for dissemination to students on July 1, 1994, but had not been
widely distributed to students. After Brzonkala filed her complaint under
the Sexual Assault Policy she learned that another male student athlete
was overheard advising Crawford that he should have "killed the bitch."
Brzonkala did not pursue criminal charges against Morrison or Crawford,
believing that criminal prosecution was impossible because she had not preserved
any physical evidence of the rape. Virginia Tech did not report the rapes
to the police, and did not urge Brzonkala to reconsider her decision not
to do so. Rape of a female student by a male student is the only violent
felony that Virginia Tech authorities do not automatically report to the
university or town police.
Virginia Tech held a hearing in May 1995 on Brzonkala's complaint against
Morrison and Crawford. At the beginning of the hearing, which was taped
and lasted three hours, the presiding college official announced that the
charges were being brought under the school's Abusive Conduct Policy, which
included sexual assault. A number of persons, including Brzonkala, Morrison,
and Crawford testified. Morrison admitted that, despite the fact that Brzonkala
had twice told him "no," he had sexual intercourse with her in
the dormitory on September 21. Crawford, who denied that he had sexual contact
with Brzonkala (a denial corroborated by his suitemate, Cornell Brown),
confirmed that Morrison had engaged in sexual intercourse with Brzonkala.
The Virginia Tech judicial committee found insufficient evidence to take
action against Crawford, but found Morrison guilty of sexual assault. The
university immediately suspended Morrison for two semesters (one school
year), and informed Brzonkala of the sanction. Morrison appealed this sanction
to Cathryn T. Goree, Virginia Tech's Dean of Students. Morrison claimed
that the college denied him his due process rights and imposed an unduly
harsh and arbitrary sanction. Dean Goree reviewed Morrison's appeal letter,
the file, and tapes of the three-hour hearing. She rejected Morrison's appeal
and upheld the sanction of full suspension for the Fall 1995 and Spring
1996 semesters. Dean Goree informed Brzonkala of this decision in a letter
dated May 22, 1995. According to Virginia Tech's published rules, the decision
of Dean Goree as the appeals officer on this matter was final.
In the first week of July 1995, however, Dean Goree and another Virginia
Tech official, Donna Lisker, personally called on Brzonkala at her home
in Fairfax, Virginia, a four-hour drive from Virginia Tech. These officials
advised Brzonkala that Morrison had hired an attorney who had threatened
to sue the school on due process grounds, and that Virginia Tech thought
there might be merit to Morrison's "ex post facto" challenge that
he was charged under a Sexual Assault Policy that was not yet spelled out
in the Student Handbook.2 Dean Goree and Ms. Lisker told Brzonkala that
Virginia Tech was unwilling to defend the school's decision to suspend Morrison
for a year in court, and a re-hearing under the Abusive Conduct Policy that
pre-dated the Sexual Assault Policy was required. To induce Brzonkala to
participate in a second hearing, Dean Goree and Ms. Lisker assured her that
they believed her story, and that the second hearing was a mere technicality
to cure the school's error in bringing the first complaint under the Sexual
Assault Policy.
The Virginia Tech judicial committee scheduled the second hearing for late
July. This hearing turned out to be much more than a mere formality, however.
The second hearing lasted seven hours, more than twice as long as the first
hearing. Brzonkala was required to engage her own legal counsel at her own
expense. Moreover, the university belatedly informed her that student testimony
given at the first hearing would not be admissible at the second hearing
and that if she wanted the second judicial committee to consider this testimony
she would have to submit affidavits or produce the witnesses. Because she
received insufficient notice, it was impossible for Brzonkala to obtain
the necessary affidavits or live testimony from her student witnesses. In
contrast, the school provided Morrison with advance notice so that he had
ample time to procure the sworn affidavits or live testimony of his student
witnesses. Virginia Tech exacerbated this difficulty by refusing Brzonkala
or her attorney access to the tape recordings of the first hearing, while
granting Morrison and his attorney complete and early access to those tapes.
Finally, Virginia Tech officials prevented Brzonkala from mentioning Crawford
in her testimony because charges against him had been dismissed; as a result
she had to present a truncated and unnatural version of the facts.
Nevertheless, after the second hearing, the university judicial committee
found that Morrison had violated the Abusive Conduct Policy, and re-imposed
the same sanction: an immediate two semester suspension. On August 4, 1995,
the college again informed Brzonkala, in writing, that Morrison had been
found guilty and been suspended for a year.
Morrison again appealed. He argued due process violations, the existence
of new information, and the asserted harshness and arbitrariness of the
sanction imposed on him as grounds for reversal of the judicial committee's
decision. Senior Vice-President and Provost Peggy Meszaros overturned Morrison's
sanction on appeal. She found "that there was sufficient evidence to
support the decision that [Morrison] violated the University's Abusive Conduct
Policy and that no due process violation occurred in the handling of [Morrison's]
case." However, the Provost concluded that the sanction imposed on
Morrison-immediate suspension for one school year-was "excessive when
compared with other cases where there has been a finding of violation of
the Abusive Conduct Policy." Provost Meszaros did not elaborate on
the "other cases" to which she was referring. Instead of an immediate
one year suspension, the Provost imposed "deferred suspension until
[Morrison's] graduation from Virginia Tech." In addition, Morrison
was "required to attend a one-hour educational session with Rene Rios,
EO/AA Compliance Officer regarding acceptable standards under University
Student Policy."
Provost Meszaros informed Morrison of the decision to set aside his sanction
by letter on August 21, 1995. Although Brzonkala had been informed in writing
of the result at every other juncture in the disciplinary proceedings, Virginia
Tech did not notify her that it had set aside Morrison's suspension or that
he would be returning to campus in the Fall. Instead, on August 22, 1995,
Brzonkala learned from an article in The Washington Post that the university
had lifted Morrison's suspension and that he would return in the Fall 1995
semester. In fact, Morrison did return to Virginia Tech in the Fall of 1995-on
a full athletic scholarship.
Upon learning that the university had set aside Morrison's suspension and
was permitting him to return in the Fall, Brzonkala canceled her own plans
to return to Virginia Tech. She feared for her safety because of previous
threats and Virginia Tech's treatment of Morrison. She felt that Virginia
Tech's actions signaled to Morrison, as well as the student body as a whole,
that the school either did not believe her or did not view Morrison's conduct
as improper. She was also humiliated by the procedural biases of the second
hearing and by the decision to set aside the sanction against Morrison.
Brzonkala attended no university or college during the Fall 1995 term.
On November 30, 1995, Brzonkala was shocked to learn from another newspaper
article that the second Virginia Tech judicial committee did not find Morrison
guilty of sexual assault, but rather of the reduced charge of "using
abusive language." Despite the fact that the school had accused and
convicted Morrison of sexual assault at the initial hearing, despite Morrison's
testimony at that hearing that he had had sexual intercourse with Brzonkala
after she twice told him "no," and despite the fact that Dean
Goree and Donna Lisker had unambiguously stated that the second hearing
would also address the "sexual assault" charge against Morrison,
the administrators altered the charge. The university never notified either
Brzonkala or her attorney about the change, leaving her to learn about it
months after the fact from a newspaper article.
Brzonkala believes and so alleges that the procedural irregularities in,
as well as the ultimate outcome of, the second hearing were the result of
the involvement of Head Football Coach Frank Beamer, as part of a coordinated
university plan to allow Morrison to play football in 1995.
On December 27, 1995, Brzonkala initially filed suit against Morrison, Crawford,
and Virginia Tech; on March 1, 1996, she amended her complaint. She alleged
inter alia that Virginia Tech, in its handling of her rape claims and failure
to punish the rapists in any meaningful manner, violated Title IX of the
Education Amendments of 1972, 20 U.S.C. §§ 1681-1688 (1994). She
also alleged that Morrison and Crawford brutally gang raped her because
of gender animus in violation of Title III of the Violence Against Women
Act of 1994, 42 U.S.C. § 13981 (1994) ("VAWA"). The United
States intervened to defend the constitutionality of VAWA.
On May 7, 1996 the district court dismissed the Title IX claims against
Virginia Tech for failure to state a claim upon which relief could be granted.
See Brzonkala v. Virginia Polytechnic & State Univ., 935 F. Supp. 772
(W.D. Va. 1996) ("Brzonkala I"). On July 26, 1996 the court dismissed
Brzonkala's VAWA claims against Morrison and Crawford, holding that although
she had stated a cause of action under VAWA, enactment of the statute exceeded
Congressional authority and was thus unconstitutional. See Brzonkala v.
Virginia Polytechnic & State Univ., 935 F. Supp. 779 (W.D. Va. 1996)
("Brzonkala II").
II.
Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 provides in relevant part:
No person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from
participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination
under any education program or activity receiving Federal financial assistance.
. . .
20 U.S.C. § 1681(a).
Virginia Tech concedes that it is an "education program . . . receiving
Federal financial assistance." Hence, we need only determine whether
Brzonkala has stated a claim that she was "subjected to discrimination"
by Virginia Tech "on the basis of sex." 20 U.S.C. § 1681(a).
The district court recognized that Brzonkala pled a Title IX claim on the
basis of two distinct legal theories: a hostile environment theory, that
Virginia Tech responded inadequately to a sexually hostile environment;
and a disparate treatment theory, that Virginia Tech discriminated against
Brzonkala because of her sex in its disciplinary proceedings.3 The district
court rejected both, holding that her complaint failed to state a Title
IX claim on which relief could be granted under either theory. See Brzonkala
I, 935 F. Supp. at 775-78. We now consider whether Brzonkala stated a claim
under either of these theories.
A.
We begin with the hostile environment claim.4 To assess Brzonkala's Title
IX hostile environment assertions we must address two issues: (1) what legal
standard to apply to a hostile environment claim under Title IX and (2)
whether Brzonkala's complaint satisfies that standard.
1.
Title IX unquestionably prohibits federally supported educational institutions
from practicing "discrimination" "on the basis of sex."
20 U.S.C. § 1681(a) (1994). Because of Title IX's "short historical
parentage," Doe v. Claiborne County, Tenn., 103 F.3d 495, 514 (6th
Cir. 1996), we have not previously faced a hostile environment claim under
Title IX. Therefore, in determining whether an educational institution's
handling of a known sexually hostile environment is actionable "discrimination"
under Title IX, we must look to the extensive jurisprudence developed in
the Title VII context. See Preston v. Virginia ex rel. New River Community
College, 31 F.3d 203, 207 (4th Cir. 1994) ("Title VII, and the judicial
interpretations of it, provide a persuasive body of standards to which we
may look in shaping the contours of a private right of action under Title
IX."); Roberts v. Colorado State Bd. of Agric., 998 F.2d 824, 832 (10th
Cir. 1993) ("Title VII . . . is 'the most appropriate analogue when
defining Title IX's substantive standards. . . .'"); Lipsett v. University
of P.R., 864 F.2d 881, 896 (1st Cir. 1988) ("Because Title VII prohibits
the identical conduct prohibited by Title IX, i.e., sex discrimination"
Title VII is "the most appropriate analogue when defining Title IX's
substantive standards. . . .") (citation omitted); see also Franklin
v. Gwinnett County Public Sch., 503 U.S. 60, 75, 112 S. Ct. 1028, 1037-38,
117 L.Ed.2d 208 (1992) (holding Title IX provides a private cause of action
for damages arising from sexual harassment and relying on Meritor Sav. Bank
v. Vinson, 477 U.S. 57, 64, 106 S. Ct. 2399, 2404, 91 L.Ed.2d 49 (1986),
a Title VII hostile environment case, to define "discrimination"
under Title IX); H.R. Rep. No. 554 (1971) reprinted in 1972 U.S.C.C.A.N.
2462, 2512 (explaining that Title IX meant to provide coverage similar to
Title VII for "those in education"); and the many cases adopting
Title VII analysis in a Title IX hostile environment context listed infra
at 21-22.5 The district court properly followed this approach and applied
Title VII standards to determine Virginia Tech's liability for a hostile
environment under Title IX. See Brzonkala I, 935 F. Supp. at 776-78.
Virginia Tech argues that this was error, relying solely upon Rowinsky v.
Bryan Indep. Sch. Dist., 80 F.3d 1006 (5th Cir.), cert. denied, -- U.S.
--, 117 S. Ct. 165, 136 L.Ed.2d 108 (1996). Rowinsky dealt with a hostile
environment claim by two female students against a school district for its
response to sexual harassment by certain male students. A divided panel
of the Fifth Circuit defined the question presented as "whether the
recipient of federal education funds can be found liable for sex discrimination
when the perpetrator is a party other than the grant recipient or its agents."
Id. at 1010. In answering this question, the court determined that the language
and legislative history of Title IX indicated that the statute "applies
only to the practices of the recipients themselves," not third parties.
Id. at 1013. The Rowinsky court reasoned that Title VII principles were
inapplicable because "[i]n an employment context, the actions of a
co-worker sometimes may be imputed to an employer through a theory of respondeat
superior," but a school may not be held responsible for the harassment
of one student by another. Id. at 1011 n.11. Accordingly, the Fifth Circuit
held that "[i]n the case of [Title IX] peer sexual harassment, a plaintiff
must demonstrate that the school district responded to sexual harassment
claims differently based on sex. Thus, a school district might violate Title
IX if it treated sexual harassment of boys more seriously than sexual harassment
of girls . . . ." Id. at 1016.
We have no trouble agreeing with the Fifth Circuit that Title IX "applies
only to the practices of the recipients themselves." Id. at 1013. However,
in this respect Title IX is no different from Title VII-the Rowinsky majority's
failure to recognize this results in a deeply flawed analysis. In framing
the question in terms of liability for the acts of third parties, Rowinsky
misstates what a plaintiff, under either Title VII or Title IX, hopes to
prove in a hostile environment claim. Under Title VII, a plaintiff cannot
recover because a fellow employee sexually harassed the plaintiff, but only
because an employer could have, but failed to, adequately remedy known harassment.
As we recently noted, "an employer is liable for a sexually hostile
work environment created by . . . [an] employee only if the employer knew
or should have known of the illegal conduct and failed to take prompt and
adequate remedial action." Andrade v. Mayfair Management, Inc., 88
F.3d 258, 261 (4th Cir. 1996) (emphasis added). Consequently, a defendant
employer is held responsible under Title VII for the employer's own actions,
its inadequate and tardy response, not the actions of fellow employees.6
Similarly, in a Title IX hostile environment action a plaintiff is not seeking
to hold the school responsible for the acts of third parties (in this case
fellow students). Rather, the plaintiff is seeking to hold the school responsible
for its own actions, i.e. that the school "knew or should have known
of the illegal conduct and failed to take prompt and adequate remedial action."
Andrade, 88 F.3d at 261. Brzonkala is not attempting to hold Virginia Tech
responsible for the acts of Morrison and Crawford per se; instead she is
challenging Virginia Tech's handling of the hostile environment once she
notified college officials of the rapes. Therefore, the entire focus of
Rowinsky's analysis as to whether a school may be held responsible for the
acts of third parties under Title IX misses the point. Brzonkala does not
seek to make Virginia Tech liable for the acts of third parties. She seeks
only to hold the school liable for its own discriminatory actions in failing
to remedy a known hostile environment.
A defendant educational institution, like a defendant employer, is, of course,
liable for its own discriminatory actions: even the Rowinsky majority acknowledges
this. Rowinsky, 80 F.3d at 1012 (Title IX "prohibits discriminatory
acts" by educational institutions receiving federal financial assistance).
Responsibility for discriminatory acts includes liability for failure to
remedy a known sexually hostile environment. Accordingly, the district court
was correct in applying Title VII principles to define the contours of Brzonkala's
hostile environment claim. We now turn to that application.
2.
Under Title VII "to prevail on a 'hostile work environment' sexual
harassment claim, an employee must prove: (1) that he [or she] was harassed
'because of' his [or her] 'sex'; (2) that the harassment was unwelcome;
(3) that the harassment was sufficiently severe or pervasive to create an
abusive working environment; and (4) that some basis exists for imputing
liability to the employer." Wrightson v. Pizza Hut of America, Inc.,
99 F.3d 138, 142 (4th Cir. 1996). Similarly, under Title IX a plaintiff
asserting a hostile environment claim must show: "1) that she [or he]
belongs to a protected group; 2) that she [or he] was subject to unwelcome
sexual harassment; 3) that the harassment was based on sex; 4) that the
harassment was sufficiently severe or pervasive so as to alter the conditions
of her [or his] education and create an abusive educational environment;
and 5) that some basis for institutional liability has been established."
Kinman v. Omaha Public Sch. Dist., 94 F.3d 463, 467-68 (8th Cir. 1996);
Seamons v. Snow, 84 F.3d 1226, 1232 (10th Cir. 1996) (same); Brown v. Hot,
Sexy & Safer Prods., Inc., 68 F.3d 525, 540 (1st Cir. 1995), cert. denied,
516 U.S. 1159, 116 S. Ct. 1044, 134 L.Ed.2d 191 (1996) (same); Nicole M.
v. Martinez Unified Sch. Dist., 964 F. Supp. 1369, 1376 (N. D. Cal. 1997)
(same); see also Doe, 103 F.3d at 515 (holding that the elements of a "hostile
environment claim under Title VII equally apply under Title IX"); Oona,
R.S. v. McCaffrey, 122 F.3d 1207, 1210 (9th Cir. 1997) (applying Title VII
standards to Title IX hostile environment claim); Murray v. New York Univ.
College of Dentistry, 57 F.3d 243, 248-51 (2d Cir. 1995) (same); Collier
v. William Penn Sch. Dist., 956 F. Supp. 1209, 1213-14 (E.D. Pa. 1997) (same);
Pinkney v. Robinson, 913 F. Supp. 25, 32 (D. D. C. 1996) (same); Bosley
v. Kearney R-1 School Dist., 904 F. Supp. 1006, 1021-22 (W. D. Mo. 1995)
(same); Kadiki v. Virginia Commonwealth Univ., 892 F. Supp. 746, 749-50
(E.D. Va. 1995) (same); Ward v. Johns Hopkins Univ., 861 F. Supp. 367, 374
(D. Md. 1994) (same).
Virginia Tech concedes that Brzonkala has properly alleged the first three
elements-that she was a member of a protected class, that she was subject
to unwelcome harassment, and that this harassment was based on her sex.
Virginia Tech contends, however, that Brzonkala has not alleged that she
was subjected to a sufficiently abusive environment, or established that
Virginia Tech may be held liable for that environment. Accordingly, we address
these two elements.
a.
A Title IX plaintiff must allege sexual harassment "sufficiently severe
or pervasive so as to alter the conditions of her education and create an
abusive educational environment." Kinman, 94 F.3d at 468. Virginia
Tech argues that because Brzonkala did not return to school she experienced
no hostile environment. The district court agreed, holding that:
[T]he hostile environment that Brzonkala alleged never occurred. Brzonkala
left [Virginia Tech] due to her concern of possible future reprisal in reaction
to her pressing charges. She did not allege that this future reprisal actually
occurred. Second, Brzonkala did not perceive that the environment was in
fact abusive, but only that it might become abusive in the future.
Brzonkala I, 935 F. Supp. at 778.
Brzonkala pled that she was violently gang raped, and rape "is 'not
only pervasive harassment but also criminal conduct of the most serious
nature' that is 'plainly sufficient to state a claim for 'hostile environment'
sexual harassment.'" Gary v. Long, 59 F.3d 1391, 1397 (D.C. Cir.),
cert. denied, 516 U.S. 1011, 116 S. Ct. 569, 133 L.Ed.2d 493 (1995) (quoting
Meritor, 477 U.S. at 67, 106 S. Ct. at 2405-06); Brock v. United States,
64 F.3d 1421, 1423 (9th Cir. 1995) ("Just as every murder is also a
battery, every rape committed in the employment setting is also discrimination
based on the employee's sex."); Baskerville v. Culligan Int'l Co.,
50 F.3d 428, 430 (7th Cir. 1995) (citing Meritor and recognizing sexual
assault as an extreme example of sexual harassment); Karen Mellencamp Davis,
Note, Reading, Writing, and Sexual Harassment: Finding a Constitutional
Remedy When Schools Fail to Address Peer Abuse, 69 Ind. L.J. 1123, 1124
(1994) ("Rape and molestation provide drastic examples of the types
of sexual harassment students inflict on their peers.").
Moreover, "even a single incident of sexual assault sufficiently alters
the conditions of the victim's employment and clearly creates an abusive
work environment for purposes of Title VII liability." Tomka v. Seiler
Corp., 66 F.3d 1295, 1305 (2d Cir. 1995) (citing Meritor, 477 U.S. at 67,
106 S. Ct. at 2405-06); see also King v. Board of Regents, 898 F.2d 533,
537 (7th Cir. 1990) (acknowledging that "a single act [of discrimination]
can be enough" to state a hostile environment claim under Title VII).
Thus, the district court failed to recognize that the rapes themselves created
a hostile environment, and that Virginia Tech was aware of this environment
and never properly remedied it. Indeed, the university Provost's rationale
for overturning Morrison's immediate suspension for one school year-that
this punishment was "excessive when compared with other cases"-itself
evidences an environment hostile to complaints of sexual harassment and
a refusal to effectively remedy this hostile environment. Given the seriousness
of the harassment acts, the total inadequacy of Virginia Tech's redress,
and Brzonkala's reasonable fear of unchecked retaliation including possible
violence, Brzonkala did not have to return to the campus the next year and
personally experience a continued hostile environment. Brzonkala "should
not be punished for a hostile environment so severe that she was forced
out entirely by loss of her legal claim against those responsible for the
situation." Patricia H. v. Berkeley Unified Sch. Dist., 830 F. Supp.
1288, 1298 (N.D. Cal. 1993); see also Carrero v. New York City Housing Auth.,
890 F.2d 569, 578 (2d Cir. 1989) ("A female employee need not subject
herself to an extended period of demeaning and degrading provocation before
being entitled to seek the remedies provided under Title VII.").
b.
The remaining issue is whether "some basis for institutional liability
has been established." Seamons, 84 F.3d at 1232. "[A]n employer
is liable for a sexually hostile work environment created by . . . [an]
employee only if the employer knew or should have known of the illegal conduct
and failed to take prompt and adequate remedial action." Andrade, 88
F.3d at 261. We must determine whether Brzonkala has alleged facts sufficient
to support an inference that Virginia Tech "knew or should have known
of the illegal conduct and failed to take prompt and adequate remedial action."
Virginia Tech certainly knew about the rapes once Brzonkala informed the
school and initiated disciplinary proceedings against Morrison and Crawford.
The question, therefore, is whether Virginia Tech took prompt and adequate
remedial action once it was on notice of the rapes. See Paroline v. Unisys
Corp., 879 F.2d 100, 106 (4th Cir. 1989), vacated in part on other grounds,
900 F.2d 27 (4th Cir. 1990) (en banc). This inquiry is necessarily fact-based,
and whether a response is "prompt and adequate" will depend on
the specific allegations (and ultimately evidence) in each case. Id. at
106-07.
Brzonkala alleges that after she was brutally raped three times she ceased
attending classes, attempted suicide, and sought the aid of the school psychiatrist.
Despite Virginia Tech's awareness of these developments no university official,
including the psychiatrist, ever made more than a cursory inquiry into the
cause of her distress. Furthermore, she alleges that when she directly reported
the rapes to Virginia Tech authorities, the college neither provided a fair
hearing nor meted out appropriate punishment. During the first hearing her
attacker essentially admitted that he raped her after she twice told him
no. The first hearing resulted in a finding that Morrison had committed
sexual assault, and his suspension for one school year. This result was
upheld by an appeals officer, and under Virginia Tech's published rules
that decision was final and not subject to change.
Nevertheless, Virginia Tech voided the first hearing and reopened the case
against her admitted rapist, assertedly in violation of its own rules and
on the basis of a specious legal argument. The second hearing was procedurally
biased against Brzonkala in numerous ways, and unbeknownst to her, Morrison
was only charged with the lesser offense of using abusive language. Still,
Morrison was again found guilty, and suspended for the next school year.
On appeal a senior college official determined that there was sufficient
evidence that Morrison had violated the University's Abusive Conduct Policy,
and that Morrison's due process argument was meritless. Nonetheless, the
appeals officer decided that suspending Brzonkala's rapist for a school
year was "excessive when compared with other cases." The university
then overturned that suspension and permitted her attacker to return to
school with a full athletic scholarship.
Virginia Tech took this action without notifying Brzonkala, although she
had been informed of the university's actions in the case at every previous
juncture. This decision caused her to fear for her safety and to withdraw
from college altogether. As punishment for his admitted rape Morrison received
a "deferred suspension until [his] graduation from Virginia Tech"
and "a one-hour educational session."
In short, Brzonkala alleges that Virginia Tech permitted, indeed fostered,
an environment in which male student athletes could gang rape a female student
without any significant punishment to the male attackers, nor any real assistance
to the female victim. She alleges a legion of procedural irregularities
in the hearing process, Virginia Tech's disregard for its own rules of finality,
and its eventual decision to impose virtually no penalty for an admitted
rape. These facts, if proven, would allow a jury to find that Virginia Tech's
response to Brzonkala's gang rape was neither prompt nor adequate.
Virginia Tech argues that because it did levy some punishment against Morrison,
its response was adequate. A defendant need not "make the most effective
response possible" to sexual harassment. See Spicer v. Virginia Dept.
of Corrections, 66 F.3d 705, 710 (4th Cir. 1995) (en banc). This does not
mean, however, that any remedy, no matter how delayed or weak, will be adequate.
Rather, we have consistently held under Title VII that a defendant employer
is "liable for sexual harassment committed by its employees if no adequate
remedial action is taken." Id. Similar reasoning applies in the Title
IX context. In light of the seriousness of Brzonkala's allegations, the
long and winding disciplinary process, and the proverbial slap on the wrist
as punishment, we cannot conclude at this preliminary stage that Virginia
Tech's remedy was either prompt or adequate.
For all of these reasons, Brzonkala has alleged sufficient facts to state
a Title IX hostile environment claim against Virginia Tech.
B.
Brzonkala also alleges a Title IX disparate treatment claim, i.e., that
Virginia Tech discriminated against her on the basis of sex during the disciplinary
proceed- ings against Morrison and Crawford. In analyzing Brzonkala's claim,
Title VII again "provide[s] a persuasive body of standards to which
we may look in shaping the contours of a private right of action under Title
IX." Preston, 31 F.3d at 207.
Indeed, Virginia Tech does not even argue that Title VII principles are
inapplicable in analyzing Title IX disparate treatment claims.
Proof of discriminatory intent is necessary to state a disparate treatment
claim under Title VII. International Bhd. of Teamsters v. United States,
431 U.S. 324, 335 n.15, 97 S. Ct. 1843, 1854 n.15, 52 L.Ed.2d 396 (1977).
Absent some indication in the statute or regulations, Title IX similarly
requires proof of discriminatory intent to state a disparate treatment claim.
As such, we must examine Brzonkala's complaint to see if she has alleged
sufficient facts to infer such intent. See Yusuf v. Vassar College, 35 F.3d
709, 715 (2d Cir. 1994).
In Yusuf, the Second Circuit dealt with allegations of a discriminatory
school disciplinary hearing, and described the type of evidence a plaintiff
must plead to establish the requisite intent:
[A]llegations of a procedurally or otherwise flawed [school disciplinary]
proceeding that has led to an adverse and erroneous outcome combined with
a conclusory allegation of gender discrimination is not sufficient to survive
a motion to dismiss. The fatal gap is, again, the lack of a particularized
allegation relating to a causal connection between the flawed outcome and
gender bias. A plaintiff must thus also allege particular circumstances
suggesting that gender bias was a motivating factor behind the erroneous
finding. Allegations of a causal connection in the case of university disciplinary
cases can be of the kind that are found in the familiar setting of Title
VII cases. . . . Such allegations might include, inter alia, statements
by members of the disciplinary tribunal, statements by pertinent university
officials, or patterns of decision-making that also tend to show the influence
of gender. Of course, some allegations, such as statements reflecting bias
by members of the tribunal, may suffice both to cast doubt on the accuracy
of the disciplinary adjudication and to relate the error to gender bias.
Yusuf, 35 F.3d at 715 (citations omitted). In this case Brzonkala has alleged
a flawed proceeding and made a conclusory assertion that Virginia Tech discriminated
in favor of male football players. But she has not alleged any discriminatory
statements or treatment by Virginia Tech, or any systematic mistreatment
of women or rape victims.
Nevertheless, Brzonkala maintains that she has made sufficient allegations
of Virginia Tech's discriminatory intent. First, she argues that Virginia
Tech's policy of not automatically reporting rapes to the police shows a
discriminatory intent. Brzonkala does not allege, however, that the university
discouraged or hindered her (or other rape victims) from filing charges,
or that the university generally treats rape less seriously in its own disciplinary
proceedings. Nor does she state facts to support an inference that the university
created its non-reporting policy to discriminate against rape victims. Without
an allegation that Virginia Tech itself fails to punish rapists, or impedes
criminal investigations, or separate facts to establish that the policy
was a result of gender bias, the university has not discriminated against
rape victims, because these victims can always pursue criminal charges themselves.
In fact, because of the intensely personal nature of the crime, as well
as the present day difficulties inherent in pursuing rape charges, a victim
of rape may not always want to press charges or involve the police. See
Brzonkala I, 935 F. Supp. at 777.
Next, Brzonkala relies upon allegations that her access to evidence, like
that of the plaintiff in Yusuf, was hampered, as the factual basis for a
finding of discriminatory intent. It is true that in Yusuf the plaintiff
alleged numerous procedural difficulties. Yusuf, 35 F.3d at 712-13. But,
in Yusuf the plaintiff also asserted that "males accused of sexual
harassment at Vassar are 'historically and systematically' and 'invariably
found guilty, regardless of the evidence, or lack thereof.'" Id. at
716. This sort of systematic discrimination, on top of the procedural irregularities,
sufficed to state a claim of disparate treatment. Here we have nothing but
"allegations of a procedurally or otherwise flawed proceeding that
has led to an adverse and erroneous outcome combined with a conclusory allegation
of gender discrimination." Id. at 715. These allegations are "not
sufficient to survive a motion to dismiss." Id.; cf. Houck v. Virginia
Polytechnic Inst. & State Univ., 10 F.3d 204, 206-07 (4th Cir. 1993)
( "[I]n the Title VII context, isolated incidents or random comparisons
demonstrating disparities in treatment may be insufficient to draw a prima
facie inference of discrimination without additional evidence that the alleged
phenomenon of inequality also exists with respect to the entire relevant
group of employees."); Cook v. CSX Transp. Corp., 988 F.2d 507, 511-13
(4th Cir. 1993) (same).
Finally, Brzonkala contends that the woefully inadequate punishment meted
out against Morrison is in and of itself proof of sex discrimination. Again,
without more, this does not prove intentional gender discrimination against
Brzonkala. In sum, the district court correctly dismissed Brzonkala's Title
IX claim of disparate treatment.7
III.
We now turn to the question of whether the district court erred in dismissing
Brzonkala's claim that Morrison and Crawford violated Title III of the Violence
Against Women Act of 1994 ("VAWA"). See 42 U.S.C. § 13981
(1994). The district court held that Brzonkala alleged a valid VAWA claim,
but that VAWA was beyond congressional authority, and thus unconstitutional.
See Brzonkala II, 935 F. Supp. at 801. We agree with the district court
that Brzonkala stated a claim under VAWA. We conclude, however, that Congress
acted within its authority in enacting VAWA and hold that the district court
erred in ruling the statute unconstitutional.
A.
In September 1994, after four years of hearings, Congress enacted VAWA,
a comprehensive federal statute designed to address "the escalating
problem of violent crime against women." S. Rep. No. 103-138, at 37
(1993). Title III, the portion of the statute at issue in this case, establishes
the right upon which a civil claim can be brought:
All persons within the United States shall have the right to be free from
crimes of violence motivated by gender. . . .
42 U.S.C. § 13981(b).
The statute goes on to set forth the elements necessary to plead and prove
such a claim:
(c) Cause of action
A person (including a person who acts under color of any statute, ordinance,
regulation, custom, or usage of any State) who commits a crime of violence
motivated by gender and thus deprives another of the right declared in subsection
(b) of this section shall be liable to the party injured, in an action for
the recovery of compensatory and punitive damages, injunctive and declaratory
relief, and such other relief as a court may deem appropriate.
(d) Definitions
For purposes of this section-
(1) the term "crime of violence motivated by gender" means a crime
of violence committed because of gender or on the basis of gender, and due,
at least in part, to an animus based on the victim's gender; and
(2) the term "crime of violence" means-
(A) an act or series of acts that would constitute a felony against the
person or that would constitute a felony against property if the conduct
presents a serious risk of physical injury to another, and that would come
within the meaning of State or Federal offenses described in Section 16
of Title 18, whether or not those acts have actually resulted in criminal
charges, prosecution, or conviction and whether or not those acts were committed
in the special maritime, territorial, or prison jurisdiction of the United
States; and
(B) includes an act or series of acts that would constitute a felony described
in subparagraph (A) but for the relationship between the person who takes
such action and the individual against whom such action is taken.
42 U.S.C. § 13981. Thus, to state a claim under § 13981(c) a plaintiff
victim must allege "a crime of violence motivated by gender."
42 U.S.C. § 13981(c).
Morrison and Crawford do not argue that Brzonkala's allegation of gang rape
fails to satisfy § 13981(d)(2)'s definition of a "crime of violence."
However, they do briefly assert that Brzonkala has failed to allege a "crime
of violence motivated by gender." 42 U.S.C. § 13981(c) (emphasis
added).
A "crime of violence motivated by gender" is defined as "a
crime of violence committed because of gender or on the basis of gender,
and due, at least in part, to an animus based on the victim's gender."
42 U.S.C. § 13981(d)(1). Congress has indicated that "[p]roof
of 'gender motivation' under Title III" of VAWA is to "proceed
in the same ways proof of race or sex discrimination proceeds under other
civil rights laws. Judges and juries will determine 'motivation' from the
'totality of the circumstances' surrounding the event." S. Rep. No.
103-138, at 52; see also S. Rep. No. 102-197, at 50 (1991).
The statute does not outlaw "[r]andom acts of violence unrelated to
gender." 42 U.S.C. § 13981(e)(1). However, bias "can be proven
by circumstantial as well as indirect evidence." S. Rep. No. 103-138,
at 52. "Generally accepted guidelines for identifying hate crimes may
also be useful" in determining whether a crime is gender-motivated,
such as: "language used by the perpetrator; the severity of the attack
(including mutilation); the lack of provocation; previous history of similar
incidents; absence of any other apparent motive (battery without robbery,
for example); common sense." Id. at 52 n.61.
With these standards in mind, we examine Brzonkala's complaint. Brzonkala
alleges that two virtual strangers, Morrison and Crawford, brutally raped
her three times within minutes after first meeting her. Although Brzonkala
does not allege mutilation or other severe injury, the brutal and unprotected
gang rape itself constitutes an attack of significant "severity."
Id. Moreover, Brzonkala alleges that the rapes were completely without "provocation."
Id. One of her assailants conceded during the college disciplinary hearing
that Brzonkala twice told him, "No" before he initially raped
her. Further, there is an absence of any "apparent motive" for
the rapes other than gender bias. Id. For example, no robbery or other theft
accompanied the rapes.
Finally, Brzonkala alleges that when Morrison had finished raping her for
the second time he told her, "You better not have any fucking diseases."
She also alleges that Morrison later announced to the college dining room,
"I like to get girls drunk and fuck the shit out of them." Verbal
expression of bias by an attacker is certainly not mandatory to prove gender
bias, Brzonkala II, 935 F. Supp. at 785 ("The purpose of the statute
would be eviscerated if, to state a claim, a plaintiff had to allege, for
example, that the defendant raped her and stated, 'I hate women.' "),
but it is "helpful." See S. Rep. No. 103-138, at 51. As the district
court noted, Morrison's "statement reflects that he has a history of
taking pleasure from having intercourse with women without their sober consent"
and that "[t]his statement indicates disrespect for women in general
and connects this gender disrespect to sexual intercourse." Brzonkala
II, 935 F. Supp. at 785. In addition, since Brzonkala alleged that Morrison
and Crawford engaged in a conspiracy to rape her, Morrison's comments are
also relevant in assessing Crawford's liability. See Loughman v. Consol-Pennsylvania
Coal Co., 6 F.3d 88, 103 (3d Cir. 1993) (concluding that in a civil conspiracy
"every conspirator is jointly and severally liable for all acts of
co-conspirators taken in furtherance of the conspiracy"); United States
v. Carpenter, 961 F.2d 824, 828 n. 3 (9th Cir. 1992) (holding that "acts
and statements in furtherance of the conspiracy may be attributed to"
a co-conspirator and citing Pinkerton v. United States, 328 U.S. 640, 646-47,
66 S. Ct. 1180, 1183-84, 90 L.Ed. 1489 (1946)); United States v. Chorman,
910 F.2d 102, 111 (4th Cir. 1990) (same).
In sum, Brzonkala has clearly alleged violations of VAWA. Virtually all
of the earmarks of "hate crimes" are asserted here: an unprovoked,
severe attack, triggered by no other motive, and accompanied by language
clearly stating bias. The district court correctly concluded that Brzonkala
alleged a VAWA claim.
B.
The remaining issue before us is whether the district court correctly held
that Congress exceeded its constitutional authority in enacting VAWA. Congress
itself directly addressed this question. On the basis of numerous specific
findings and a mountain of evidence, Congress stated that it was invoking
its authority "[p]ursuant to . . . section 8 of Article I of the Constitution"
to enact a new civil rights law to protect "victims of gender motivated
violence and to promote public safety, health, and activities affecting
interstate commerce. . . ." 42 U.S.C. § 13981(a) (emphasis added).8
Article I, Section 8, Clause 3 of the Constitution empowers Congress to
"regulate Commerce . . . among the several states." U.S. Const.
art. I, § 8, cl. 3.
In assessing whether Congress exceeded its authority under the Commerce
Clause, we note that every act of Congress is entitled to a "strong
presumption of validity and constitutionality," Barwick v. Celotex
Corp., 736 F.2d 946, 955 (4th Cir. 1984), and will be invalidated only "for
the most compelling constitutional reasons." Mistretta v. United States,
488 U.S. 361, 384, 109 S. Ct. 647, 661, 102 L.Ed.2d 714 (1989). The Supreme
Court has directed that "[g]iven the deference due 'the duly enacted
and carefully considered decision of a coequal and representative branch
of our Government,'" a court is "not lightly [to] second-guess
such legislative judgments." Westside Comm. Bd. of Educ. v. Mergens,
496 U.S. 226, 251, 110 S. Ct. 2356, 2372, 110 L.Ed.2d 191 (1990) (quoting
Walters v. National Ass'n of Radiation Survivors, 473 U.S. 305, 319, 105
S. Ct. 3180, 3188, 87 L.Ed.2d 220 (1985)). This is "particularly"
true when, as here, the legislative "judgments are based in part on
empirical determinations." Id. Deference to such judgments by the legislature
constitutes the "paradigm of judicial restraint." FCC v. Beach
Communications, Inc., 508 U.S. 307, 314, 113 S. Ct. 2096, 2101, 124 L.Ed.2d
211 (1993).
Moreover, "[t]he task of a court that is asked to determine whether
a particular exercise of congressional power is valid under the Commerce
Clause is relatively narrow." Hodel v. Virginia Surface Mining &
Reclamation Ass'n, 452 U.S. 264, 276, 101 S. Ct. 2352, 2360 (1981); see
also United States v. Lopez, 514 U.S. 549, 568, 115 S. Ct. 1624, 1634, 131
L.Ed.2d 626 (1995) (Kennedy, J., concurring) ("The history of the judicial
struggle to interpret the Commerce Clause . . . counsels great restraint
before the Court determines that the Clause is insufficient to support an
exercise of the national power."). Thus, a reviewing court need only
determine "whether a rational basis existed for concluding that a regulated
activity" substantially affects interstate commerce. Lopez, 514 U.S.
at 557, 115 S. Ct. at 1628-29.
With these directives in mind, we consider whether Congress exceeded its
authority under the Commerce Clause in passing VAWA. The Supreme Court has
long held, and recently reiterated in Lopez, that there are "three
broad categories of activity that Congress may regulate" under the
Commerce Clause:
First, Congress may regulate the use of the channels of interstate commerce.
. . . Second, Congress is empowered to regulate and protect the instrumentalities
of interstate commerce, or persons or things in interstate commerce, even
though the threat may come only from intrastate activities. . . . Finally,
Congress' commerce authority includes the power to regulate those activities
having a substantial relation to interstate commerce . . . i.e., those activities
that substantially affect interstate commerce.
Lopez, 514 U.S. at 558-559, 115 S. Ct. at 1629-30 (citations omitted); United
States v. Bailey, 112 F.3d 758, 765-66 (4th Cir. 1997), cert. denied, --
U.S. --, 118 S. Ct. 240, 139 L.Ed.2d 170 (1997) (rejecting a Lopez challenge
to Title II of VAWA and stating Lopez's three-part test).
Here, as in Lopez, "[t]he first two categories of authority may be
quickly disposed of:" VAWA "is not a regulation of the use of
the channels of interstate commerce, nor is it an attempt to prohibit the
interstate transportation of a commodity through the channels of commerce;
nor can [VAWA] be justified as a regulation [protecting] an instrumentality
of interstate commerce or a thing in interstate commerce." Lopez, 514
U.S. at 559, 115 S. Ct. at 1630. "Thus, if [VAWA] is to be sustained,
it must be under the third category as a regulation of an activity that
substantially affects interstate commerce." Id.
The Lopez Court applied the substantial effects test to the Gun Free School
Zones Act, which made it a federal crime to knowingly possess a firearm
in a school zone. 18 U.S.C. § 922(q) (1988 ed. Supp. V) (amended 1994,
1996). In passing § 922(q), Congress attempted to supplant state criminal
laws with a federal statute that criminalized an activity that on its face
had "nothing to do with" commerce, without making any findings
demonstrating the activity affected interstate commerce or including a jurisdictional
element ensuring a case by case connection with interstate commerce. Lopez,
514 U.S. at 561 and n. 3, 115 S. Ct. at 1630-31 and n. 3. In these circumstances,
the Supreme Court "would have [had] to pile inference upon inference"
to find a rational basis for concluding the statute "substantially
affect[ed] any sort of interstate commerce." Id. at 567, 115 S. Ct.
at 1634. This the Court declined to do, and so declared § 922(q) unconstitutional.
Id.
In contrast to the congressional silence in Lopez, Congress made voluminous
findings when it enacted VAWA. Accordingly, we can begin where the Lopez
Court could not, by "evaluat[ing] the legislative judgment that the
activity in question substantially affected interstate commerce." Lopez,
514 U.S. at 563, 115 S. Ct. at 1632; see also City of Boerne v. Flores,
-- U.S. --, -- - --, 117 S. Ct. 2157, 2169-2170, 138 L.Ed.2d 624 (1997)
(recognizing the importance of Congressional findings in determining the
"appropriateness of [Congress's] remedial measures"). In doing
so, we recognize that discerning a rational basis "is ultimately a
judicial rather than a legislative question," Lopez, 514 U.S. at 557
n.2, 115 S. Ct. at 1629 n.2 (quoting Heart of Atlanta Motel, Inc. v. United
States, 379 U.S. 241, 273, 85 S. Ct. 348, 366, 13 L.Ed.2d 258 (1964) (Black,
J., concurring)), and "[s]imply because Congress may conclude that
a particular activity substantially affects interstate commerce does not
necessarily make it so." Id. (quoting Hodel, 452 U.S. at 311, 101 S.
Ct. at 2391 (Rehnquist, J., concurring)). But a "court must defer"
to congressional findings when there is "a rational basis for such
a finding." Hodel, 452 U.S. at 276, 101 S. Ct. at 2360. Indeed, "[t]he
Supreme Court has without fail given effect to such congressional findings."
Laurence H. Tribe, American Constitutional Law, 310-11 (2d ed. 1988). Accordingly,
we first examine the congressional findings made in connection with VAWA.
See United States v. Leshuk, 65 F.3d 1105, 1111-12 (4th Cir. 1995) (rejecting
a Lopez challenge to the "Comprehensive Drug Abuse Prevention and Control
Act" and beginning and ending our analysis by relying totally upon
Congress's "detailed findings" on the interstate commerce effects).
1.
The Congressional findings and testimony that support the passage of VAWA
pursuant to the Commerce Clause are detailed and extensive.9 Congress carefully
documented the enormity of the problem caused by violence against women.
For example, Congress found that:
* "Violence is the leading cause of injury to women ages 15-44. . .
." S. Rep. No. 103-138, at 38 (1993).
* "[F]or the past 4 years [prior to 1993], the U.S. Surgeons General
have warned that family violence-not heart attacks or cancer or strokes-poses
the single largest threat of injury to adult women in this country."
Id. at 41- 42 (footnote omitted).
* "An estimated 4 million American women are battered each year by
their husbands or partners. Approximately 95% of all domestic violence victims
are women." H.R.Rep. No. 103-395, at 26 (1993) (footnotes omitted).
* "Three out of four American women will be victims of violent crimes
sometime during their life." Id. at 25 (footnote omitted).
* "Since 1988, the rate of incidence of rape has risen four and a half
times as fast as the total crime rate. There were 109,062 reported rapes
in the United States in 1992-one every five minutes. The actual number of
rapes committed is approximately double that figure. . . ." Id. (footnotes
omitted).
The committee reports similarly found that "the cost to society"
resulting from violence against women "is staggering." S. Rep.
No. 101-545, at 33 (1990). Domestic violence alone is estimated to cost
employers "at least $3 billion-not million, but billion-dollars a year"
due to absenteeism in the workplace. Id. Furthermore, "estimates suggest
that we spend $5 to $10 billion a year on health care, criminal justice,
and other social costs of domestic violence." S. Rep. No. 103-138,
at 41. Moreover, "[i]t is not a simple matter of adding up the medical
costs, or law enforcement costs, but of adding up all of those expenses
plus the costs of lost careers, decreased productivity, foregone educational
opportunities, and long-term health problems." S. Rep. No. 101-545,
at 33.
These monetary figures were accompanied by other evidence establishing that
violence against women has a substantial impact on interstate commerce:
Over 1 million women in the United States seek medical assistance each year
for injuries sustained by their husbands or other partners. As many as 20
percent of hospital emergency room cases are related to wife battering.
But the costs do not end there: woman abuse "has a devastating social
and economic effect on the family and the community." . . . It takes
its toll in homelessness: one study reports that as many as 50 percent of
homeless women and children are fleeing domestic violence. It takes its
toll in employee absenteeism and sick time for women who either cannot leave
their homes or are afraid to show the physical effects of the violence.
S. Rep. No. 101-545, at 37. Fear of violence "takes a substantial toll
on the lives of all women, in lost work, social, and even leisure opportunities."
S. Rep. No. 102-197, at 38 (1991).
Thus, based upon an exhaustive and meticulous investigation of the problem,
Congress found that:
crimes of violence motivated by gender have a substantial adverse effect
on interstate commerce, by deterring potential victims from traveling interstate,
from engaging in employment in interstate business, and from transacting
with business, and in places involved, in interstate commerce . . . by diminishing
national productivity, increasing medical and other costs, and decreasing
the supply of and the demand for interstate products.
H.R. Conf. Rep. No. 103-711, at 385 (1994), reprinted in 1994 U.S.C.C.A.N.
1839, 1853.10
In concluding that "[t]here is no doubt that Congress has the power
to create the Title III remedy under" the Commerce Clause, Congress
noted that:
[g]ender-based crimes and the fear of gender-based crimes restricts movement,
reduces employment opportunities, increases health expenditures, and reduces
consumer spending, all of which affect interstate commerce and the national
economy. Gender-based violence bars its most likely targets-women-from full
participation in the national economy. For example, studies report that
almost 50 percent of rape victims lose their jobs or are forced to quit
in the aftermath of the crime. Even the fear of gender-based violence affects
the economy because it deters women from taking jobs in certain areas or
at certain hours that pose a significant risk of such violence. . . . For
example, women often refuse higher paying night jobs in service/retail industries
because of the fear of attack. Those fears are justified: the No. 1 reason
why women die on the job is homicide and the highest concentration of those
women is in service/retail industries . . . . 42 percent of deaths on the
job of women are homicides; only 12 percent of the deaths of men on the
job are homicides.
S. Rep. No. 103-138, at 54 & n.70 (footnotes omitted).
Our task is simply to discern whether Congress had "a rational basis"
for concluding that the regulated activity-here violence against women-substantially
"affected interstate commerce." Lopez, 514 U.S. at 558-559, 115
S. Ct. at 1629-30.11 After four years of hear-ings and consideration of
voluminous testimonial, sta-tistical, and documentary evidence, Congress
made an unequivocal and persuasive finding that violence against women substantially
affects interstate commerce. Even the district court recognized that "[a]
reasonable inference from the congressional findings is that violence against
women has a major effect on the national economy." Brzonkala II, 935
F. Supp. at 792. Accordingly, whatever one's doubts as to whether Title
III of VAWA represents a good policy decision, Seaton v. Seaton, 971 F.
Supp. 1188 (E.D. Tenn. 1997), we can only conclude that Congress' findings
are grounded in a rational basis. We note that every court to consider the
question except the court below, has so held. See Crisonino v. New York
City Housing Auth., No. 96 Civ. 9742(HB) (S.D.N.Y. Nov. 18, 1997); Anisimov
v. Lake, 982 F. Supp. 531 (N.D. Ill. 1997); Seaton, 971 F. Supp. at 1194;
Doe v. Hartz, 970 F. Supp. 1375 (N.D. Iowa 1997); Doe v. Doe, 929 F. Supp.
608 (D. Conn. 1996).
In fact, in United States v. Leshuk, 65 F.3d 1105 (4th Cir. 1995), we recently
relied exclusively on less extensive Congressional findings to uphold Section
401(a)(1) of the Comprehensive Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Act of
1970, 21 U.S.C. § 841(a)(1) (1994). Id. at 1111, 1112. In Leshuk the
defendant was convicted of possessing and cultivating marijuana in violation
of § 841(a)(1), and raised a Lopez challenge to the statute. Id. at
1107-08. We held that Lopez did not require the invalidation of § 841(a)(1)
because the "intrastate drug activities" that it regulated "are
clearly tied to interstate commerce." 65 F.3d at 1112. We based our
conclusion wholly on Congress's "detailed findings that intrastate
manufacture, distribution, and possession of controlled substances, as a
class of activities, have a substantial and direct effect upon interstate
drug trafficking and that effective control of the interstate problems requires
the regulation of both intrastate and interstate activities." Id. (internal
quotation marks omitted). Without further ado we "relied upon these
findings" to hold the Commerce Clause authorized Congress to enact
this statute. Id.
Similarly, earlier this year, in Hoffman v. Hunt we reviewed "the congressional
reports" to uphold the Freedom of Access to Clinics Act (FACE), determining
that those reports made "clear" that "several aspects of
interstate commerce are directly and substantially affected by the regulated
conduct." 126 F.3d 575, 586-88 (4th Cir. 1997). Because Congress had
made these persuasive findings we concluded that we did not need to "'pile
inference upon inference' to find a substantial effect on interstate commerce."
Id. (quoting Lopez, 514 U.S. at 567, 115 S. Ct. at 1633-34). The congressional
findings setting forth VAWA's substantial effect on interstate commerce
are far more detailed and complete than those we found sufficient to establish
a rational basis for the statutes challenged in Leshuk and Hoffman, and
we thus have no hesitation similarly upholding VAWA. When a court finds
"that the legislators, in light of the facts and testimony before them,
have a rational basis for finding a chosen regulatory scheme necessary to
the protection of commerce, [its] investigation is at an end." United
States v. Beuckelaere, 91 F.3d 781, 785 (6th Cir. 1996) (quoting Katzenbach
v. McClung, 379 U.S. 294, 303, 85 S. Ct. 377, 383, 13 L.Ed.2d 290 (1964)).12
2.
Contrary to the district court's holding, and the arguments of Morrison
and Crawford, nothing in Lopez requires a different result.
In noting that § 922(q) "plow[ed] thoroughly new ground and represent[ed]
a sharp break with the longstanding pattern of federal firearms legislation,"
Lopez, 514 U.S. at 563, 115 S. Ct. at 1632, the Lopez Court clearly indicated
that in finding this statute unconstitutional it was enunciating a "limited
holding." Id. at 568, 115 S. Ct. at 1634 (Kennedy, J., concurring).
Although the Court refused to make an "additional expansion" to
Congress's Commerce power to uphold § 922(q), and clarified that a
regulated activity must "substantially affect interstate commerce,"
it did not overrule a single Commerce Clause precedent, signal a decrease
in congressional power under the Commerce Clause, or abandon the "rational
basis" test. Id. at 557-69, 115 S. Ct. at 1629-34; see also United
States v. Wright, 117 F.3d 1265, 1269 (11th Cir. 1997) ("Lopez did
not alter our approach to determining whether a particular statute falls
within the scope of Congress's Commerce Clause authority."); United
States v. Wilson, 73 F.3d 675, 685 (7th Cir. 1995) (The Lopez Court "reaffirmed
rather than overturned the previous half century of Commerce Clause precedent"),
cert. denied, 519 U.S. 806, 117 S. Ct. 46-47, 136 L.Ed.2d 12 (1996).
In fact, in describing the history of the Court's Commerce Clause jurisprudence,
Lopez forthrightly affirmed the modern expansive view of Congress's power
under the Commerce Clause, and eschewed the more restrictive view of "commerce"
based on formalistic distinctions between "direct" and "indirect"
effects on interstate commerce. Id. at 555, 115 S. Ct. at 1627- 28. The
Court noted that "modern-era precedents . . . confirm that this power
is subject to outer limits," i.e. it cannot "be extended so as
to embrace effects upon interstate commerce so indirect and remote"
as to "obliterate the distinction between what is national and what
is local and create a completely centralized government." Id. at 555-59,
115 S. Ct. at 1628-29. But the Court expressly followed decades of "modern-era
precedents" recognizing that a court's only role in considering a Commerce
Clause challenge is "to decide whether a rational basis existed for
concluding that a regulated activity sufficiently affected interstate commerce."
Id. at 557, 115 S. Ct. at 1629 (citing Hodel, 452 U.S. at 276-80, 101 S.
Ct. at 2360-62; Perez v. United States, 402 U.S. 146, 155-56, 91 S. Ct.
1357, 1362, 28 L.Ed.2d 686 (1971)); Katzenbach v. McClung, 379 U.S. 294,
299-301, 85 S. Ct. 377, 381-82, 13 L.Ed.2d 290 (1964); and Heart of Atlanta
Motel, 379 U.S. at 252-253, 85 S. Ct. at 354-55; see also Lopez, 514 U.S.
at 574, 115 S. Ct. at 1637 (Kennedy, J., concurring) (Lopez does not "call
in question" prior commerce clause "principles").13
Morrison and Crawford's reliance on Lopez falters not only because they
ignore the limited nature of the Lopez holding but also because VAWA differs
from § 922(q) in several important respects. In order to uphold VAWA,
we need not "pile inference upon inference" as the Government
asked the Court to do in Lopez. Lopez, 514 U.S. at 567, 115 S. Ct. at 1633-34.
Because Congress made no findings to support § 922(q) the Government
was forced to argue that guns in schools affected commerce based upon several
tenuous, multi-layered theories. See id. at 564, 115 S. Ct. at 1632; Terry,
101 F.3d at 1418 (quoting Lopez, 514 U.S. at 564, 115 S. Ct. at 1632) (For
example, "gun possession near schools threatens the educational environment,
which hampers the educational process, which creates a 'less productive
citizenry' which adversely affects 'the Nation's economic well-being' and
which in the end adversely affects interstate commerce."). VAWA, by
contrast, regulates behavior-gender-based violent crime against women-which
Congress has found substantially and gravely affects interstate commerce
on the basis of abundant evidence. Cf. Perez, 402 U.S. at 154, 91 S. Ct.
at 1362 (rejecting Commerce Clause challenge because "credit transactions,
though purely intrastate, may in the judgment of Congress affect interstate
commerce"). To connect VAWA with interstate commerce, a court need
not make any inferences-Congress itself has clearly established and documented
that gender based violence against women substantially affects interstate
commerce.
Additionally, unlike § 922(q), VAWA does not invade areas of traditional
state control. The Lopez Court noted that "[u]nder our federal system,
the 'States possess primary authority for defining and enforcing the criminal
law.' . . . When Congress criminalizes conduct already denounced as criminal
by the States, it effects a 'change in the sensitive relation between federal
and state criminal jurisdiction.'" Lopez, 514 U.S. at 561, 115 S. Ct.
at 1631 (quoting Brecht v. Abrahamson, 507 U.S. 619, 635, 113 S. Ct. 1710,
1720-21, 123 L.Ed.2d 353 (1993), and United States v. Enmons, 410 U.S. 396,
411-12, 93 S. Ct. 1007, 1015-16, 35 L.Ed.2d 379 (1973)). Title III of VAWA
is not a criminal statute and it displaces no state criminal law. Cf. id.
(noting that statute in Lopez "displace[s] state policy choices"
and "overrides legitimate state . . . laws"). Nothing in Title
III prevents a victim of gender-based violence from bringing state criminal
charges or pursuing state tort remedies, or affects how the state treats
those claims.
In fact, far from displacing state law, Congress carefully designed VAWA
to harmonize with state law and protect areas of state concern. Thus, VAWA
references state criminal laws in defining a "crime of violence."
See 42 U.S.C. § 13981(d)(2) (defining "crime of violence"
as "an act or series of acts that would constitute a felony against
the person or that would constitute a felony against property if the conduct
presents a serious risk of physical injury to another, and that would come
within the meaning of State or Federal offenses described in section 16
of Title 18. . . .") (emphasis added). Moreover, Congress expressly
limited the reach of VAWA in further deference to traditional areas of state
expertise such as divorce or child custody proceedings. See 42 U.S.C. §
13981(e) (4) (VAWA does not confer "jurisdiction over any State law
claim seeking the establishment of a divorce, alimony, equitable distribution
of marital property, or child custody decree."). In sum, VAWA acts
to supplement, rather than supplant, state criminal, civil, and family law
controlling gender violence. The States are still free to "experiment[
] to devise various solutions" to the problems of gender-based violence
against women. Lopez, 514 U.S. at 581, 115 S. Ct. at 1641 (Kennedy, J.,
concurring). 14
In addition, unlike the statute invalidated in Lopez, VAWA does not occupy
a legal territory where "States lay claim by right of history and expertise."
Id. at 581-83, 115 S. Ct. at 1641 (Kennedy, J., concurring). Instead, VAWA
legislates in an area-civil rights-that has been a federal responsibility
since shortly after the Civil War. Furthermore, federal action is particularly
appropriate when, as here, there is persuasive evidence that the States
have not successfully protected the rights of a class of citizens. In passing
VAWA Congress made extensive and convincing findings that state law had
failed to successfully address gender-motivated violence against women.
Congress concluded that:
Other State remedies have proven inadequate to protect women against violent
crimes motivated by gender animus. Women often face barriers of law, of
practice, and of prejudice not suffered by other victims of discrimination.
Traditional State law sources of protection have proved to be difficult
avenues of redress for some of the most serious crimes against women. Study
after study has concluded that crimes disproportionately affecting women
are often treated less seriously than crimes affecting men. [C]ollectively,
these reports provide overwhelming evidence that gender bias permeates the
court system and that women are most often its victims.
S. Rep. No. 103-138, at 49 (footnotes omitted).15 In VAWA, Congress has
passed a civil rights law, a quintessential area of federal expertise, in
response to "existing bias and discrimination in the criminal justice
system." H.R. Conf. Rep. No. 103-711, at 385 (1994), reprinted in 1994
U.S.C.C.A.N. 1839, 1853.
Nonetheless, Morrison and Crawford argue that Lopez requires a different
result. They note that § 922(q) had "nothing to do with 'commerce'"
and was not "an essential part of a larger regulation of economic activity,"
Lopez, 514 U.S. at 561, 115 S. Ct. at 1631, and assert that VAWA similarly
regulates a non-economic activity and is therefore beyond Congress's Commerce
Clause authority. This argument, however, misreads both Lopez and VAWA.
First, as Morrison and Crawford concede, Lopez clearly does not hold that
a statute must regulate economic activity to pass muster under the Commerce
Clause. Such a holding could not be squared with past Commerce Clause jurisprudence,
or Lopez itself. Lopez quoted Wickard v. Filburn's famous statement that
"[e]ven if appellee's activity be local and though it may not be regarded
as commerce, it may still, whatever its nature, be reached by Congress if
it exerts a substantial economic effect on interstate commerce." Wickard
v. Filburn, 317 U.S. 111, 125, 63 S. Ct. 82, 89, 87 L.Ed. 122 (1942) (emphasis
added), quoted in Lopez, 514 U.S. at 556, 115 S. Ct. at 1628. Similarly,
the Lopez Court relied on Heart of Atlanta Motel, 379 U.S. 241, 85 S. Ct.
348, 13 L.Ed.2d 258 and Katzenbach, 379 U.S. at 294, 85 S. Ct. at 379. See
Lopez, 514 U.S. at 557-563, 115 S. Ct. at 1628-32. These cases involved
the public accommodation provisions of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, 78
Stat. 243 (codified as amended at 42 U.S.C. § 2000a (1994)), not an
"economic" regulation but a civil rights statute, which like VAWA
prohibits acts motivated by bias that have a substantial effect on interstate
commerce.16
Furthermore, the actual basis of the Lopez holding, which Morrison and Crawford
attempt to ignore, undermines their argument as to the importance of "economic
activity." The Lopez Court did not strike down § 922(q) because
it regulated non-economic activity. The Court invalidated § 922(q)
because neither Congress nor the Government convinced the Court that there
was a rational basis for concluding that possession of a gun in a school
zone substantially affected interstate commerce. Lopez, 514 U.S. at 561-67,
115 S. Ct. at 1631-33. Here, however, there clearly is a rational basis
for concluding that gender-based violence against women does precisely this.
Even if the regulated activity itself had to have an economic nexus, VAWA,
unlike § 922(q), regulates an activity that is "an essential part
of a larger regulation of economic activity." Lopez, 514 U.S. at 561-63,
115 S. Ct. at 1631. As recounted above, Congress recognized the enormous
impact that violence against women has on women in the workplace, and as
such, VAWA, along with Title VII, can be seen as a part of a larger regulatory
effort to eliminate gender-based violence as a barrier to job opportunities.
Congress found that "current law provides a civil rights remedy for
gender crimes committed in the workplace, but not for crimes of violence
motivated by gender committed on the street or in the home." H.R. Conf.
Rep. No. 103-711, at 385 (1994), reprinted in 1994 U.S.C.C.A.N. 1839, 1853.
VAWA was meant to fill that gap.
Morrison and Crawford's reliance on the fact that VAWA, like § 922(q),
does not have a jurisdictional restriction is unpersuasive for similar reasons.
Lopez does not require that a statute contain a jurisdictional limit in
order to pass Commerce Clause scrutiny. See Olin Corp., 107 F.3d at 1510;
United States v. Rybar, 103 F.3d 273, 285 (3rd Cir. 1996), cert. denied,
-- U.S. --, 118 S. Ct. 46, 139 L.Ed.2d 13 (1997); Terry, 101 F.3d at 1418;
Wall, 92 F.3d at 1449 n. 11; Wilson, 73 F.3d at 685. "If a jurisdictional
element were critical to a statute's constitutionality, the Court in Lopez
would not have gone on to examine the Government's proffered rationales
for the constitutionality of the gun possession statute." Terry, 101
F.3d at 1418.
The core teaching of Lopez is simply that Congress must ensure that legislation
enacted pursuant to its Commerce Clause authority reaches only activities
that "substantially affect interstate commerce." A jurisdictional
element or Congressional findings assist a court in determining whether
a regulated activity substantially affects interstate commerce. But neither
is necessary for constitutional validity. See Wright, 117 F.3d at 1269 (Congress
need not "place a jurisdictional element" in a statute or make
"legislative findings connecting the regulated activity to interstate
commerce."). Although Congressional findings are not required, here
we do have abundant legislative findings evidencing that Congress did indeed
ensure that the regulated activity substantially affected interstate commerce.
As noted above, we recently relied on far less detailed Congressional findings
to uphold a statute that did not regulate economic activities and had no
jurisdictional element. Leshuk, 65 F.3d at 1111-12.
Finally, our holding that Congress had a rational basis to conclude that
violence against women has a substantial effect on interstate commerce does
not mean, as Morrison and Crawford contend, that acting pursuant to the
Commerce Clause Congress can reach any activity, including divorces, child-support,
and "diet and exercise habits." This argument ignores the years
of hearings on the need for VAWA and the reams of congressional findings
made in support of VAWA. It belittles the seriousness of the national problem
that discriminatory violence against women presents. It overlooks VAWA's
explicit deference to State expertise: the statute's express restriction
to gender-motivated violent crimes is defined in part in reference to state
law, and it prohibits jurisdiction over divorce, alimony, and child custody
matters. See 42 U.S.C. § 13981(e)(4).
Most importantly, this argument disregards the ineludible fact that our
role is simply to determine if Congress had a rational basis for concluding
that a regulated activity "substantially affect[s] interstate commerce."
Lopez, 514 U.S. at 560, 115 S. Ct. at 1630. After four years of hearings
and extensive legislative findings, Congress has adjudged that violence
against women substantially affects interstate commerce. It is "abundantly
clear that our job in this case is not to second-guess the legislative judgment
of Congress that" violence against women "substantially affects
interstate commerce, but rather to ensure that Congress had a rational basis
for that conclusion." Bishop, 66 F.3d at 577. In light of Congress'
findings, well supported by testimony and data, we hold that Congress had
such a rational basis in enacting VAWA.
We note that it is apparent that Congress took great care to detail its
findings and support its conclusion that VAWA was within its commerce authority.
The breadth of the record itself manifests that Congress understood its
duty to act only within its enumerated powers in this case, and took that
duty seriously. As the Supreme Court explained in Polish Nat'l Alliance
v. NLRB, 322 U.S. 643, 650, 64 S. Ct. 1196, 1200, 88 L.Ed. 1509 (1944):
[Whether] the conduct of an enterprise affects commerce among the States
is a matter of practical judgment, not to be determined by abstract notions.
The exercise of this practical judgment the Constitution entrusts primarily
and very largely to the Congress, subject to the latter's control by the
electorate. Great power was thus given to the Congress: the power of legislation
and thereby the power of passing judgment upon the needs of a complex society.
Strictly confined though far-reaching power was given to this Court: that
of determining whether the Congress has exceeded limits allowable in reason
for the judgment which it has exercised.
See also Lopez, 514 U.S. at 578, 115 S. Ct. at 1639 (Kennedy, J., concurring)
(It is Congress' and the President's "obligation to preserve and protect
the Constitution in maintaining the federal balance . . . in the first and
primary instance."). In following our "[s]trictly confined"
duty in this case, we must conclude that Congress has in no way "exceeded
limits allowable in reason for the judgment which it has exercised."
Polish Nat'l Alliance, 322 U.S. at 650, 64 S. Ct. at 1200. Congress acted
within its Commerce Clause authority in enacting VAWA.17
IV.
To summarize, we hold that Brzonkala's complaint states a claim under Title
IX against Virginia Tech, and under the Violence Against Women Act against
Morrison and Crawford. Further, we hold that the Commerce Clause provides
Congress with authority to enact the Violence Against Women Act. Accordingly,
the judgments of the district court dismissing both the Title IX and Violence
Against Women Act claims are reversed and the case is remanded for further
proceedings.
No. 96-1814-REVERSED AND REMANDED.
No. 96-2316-REVERSED AND REMANDED.
1 "On appeal from an order granting a
motion to dismiss under Fed. R. Civ. P. 12(b)(6), we accept as true the
facts alleged in the complaint." McNair v. Lend Lease Trucks, Inc.,
95 F.3d 325, 327 (4th Cir.1996).
2 Brzonkala's complaint alleges that the Attorney General, who represented
Virginia Tech, knew, or should have known, that Morrison's due process claim
was meritless under Virginia law because of Abrams v. Mary Washington College,
No. CH93-193, slip op. at 4 (Cir. Ct. City of Fredricksburg, April 27, 1994).
The state court in Abrams rejected an almost identical claim that a student's
due process rights were violated when he was charged and tried under a sexual
assault policy that was adopted after the incident. Id. at 4.
3 Brzonkala also pled a claim of disparate impact based upon Virginia Tech's
policy of not automatically reporting allegations of rape to the police.
Brzonkala does not press this theory on appeal. We deem it waived.
4 Virginia Tech makes a truncated argument, without reference to the complaint
or any authority, that Brzonkala has not pled a hostile environment claim
with sufficient specificity. The district court "glean [ed] from [Brzonkala's]
complaint an allegation that [Virginia Tech] had a hand in permitting a
hostile school environment based on Brzonkala's gender." Brzonkala
I, 935 F. Supp. at 778. We agree that Brzonkala has properly pled a hostile
environment claim. All that Brzonkala was required to plead was "'a
short and plain statement of the claim' that will give the defendant fair
notice of what the plaintiff's claim is and the grounds upon which it rests.
. . . Following the simple guide of Rule 8(f) that 'all pleadings shall
be so construed as to do substantial justice,' we have no doubt that petitioners'
complaint adequately set forth a claim and gave the respondents fair notice
of its basis." Conley v. Gibson, 355 U.S. 41, 47-48, 78 S. Ct. 99,
103, 2 L.Ed.2d 80 (1957) (footnote omitted).
5 But see Smith v. Metro. Sch. Dist. Perry Township, 128 F.3d 1014 (7th
Cir. 1997) (recognizing that most other courts apply Title VII principles
to Title IX cases but refusing to apply Title VII's "knew or should
have known" standard to a Title IX claim).
6 After oral argument in this case, the Eleventh Circuit followed Rowinsky,
see Davis v. Monroe County Bd. of Educ., 120 F.3d 1390 (11th Cir. 1997),
but the Ninth Circuit flatly rejected the Rowinsky rationale. See Oona v.
McCaffrey, 122 F.3d 1207 (9th Cir. 1997). As explained above, we, like the
Ninth Circuit, "have difficulty squaring Rowinsky's reasoning with
the Supreme Court's in Franklin" and our own circuit precedent, e.g.,
Preston, 31 F.3d at 207, and Andrade, 88 F.3d at 261. See Oona, 122 F.3d
at 1210.
7 Virginia Tech also argues that Brzonkala lacks standing to pursue injunctive
relief in her Title IX claim because she has left school and does not plan
to return. The record before us does not support Virginia Tech's claim that
Brzonkala will never again attend Virginia Tech. All that the complaint
alleges is that Brzonkala did not return to Virginia Tech in the Fall of
1995. Without a factual basis for believing that Brzonkala will not re-register
at Virginia Tech, we will not dismiss for mootness her claims for injunctive
relief.
8 Congress also expressly stated that Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment
authorized enactment of VAWA. See 42 U.S.C. § 13981(a). In view of
our holding that VAWA is a valid exercise of Congress' power under the Commerce
Clause, we need not reach the question of whether the Fourteenth Amendment
also provided authorization for VAWA.
9 Most of Congress's copious findings do not appear in the statute itself,
but in applying rational basis review courts also consider congressional
committee findings. See Lopez, 514 U.S. at 562, 115 S. Ct. at 1631; Preseault
v. ICC, 494 U.S. 1, 17, 110 S. Ct. 914, 924-25, 108 L.Ed.2d 1 (1990) (citing
House Report in discussion of congressional findings regarding effect on
interstate commerce of federal "rails-to-trails" statute); Hodel,
452 U.S. at 277-80, 101 S. Ct. at 2360-62 (relying on committee reports
to uphold Congress's power to enact the Surface Mining Act); Hoffman v.
Hunt, 126 F.3d 575, 586 (4th Cir. 1997) (relying upon a House Report to
uphold FACE).
10 House Conference Report 103-711, containing the express finding that
"crimes of violence motivated by gender have a substantial adverse
effect on interstate commerce," was drafted by the House and Senate
Conference Committees on VAWA, and was passed along with VAWA by the House
on August 21, 1994 and by the Senate on August 24, 1994. See Violence Against
Women § 5:42 (David Frazee et al. eds., 1997). Indeed, the findings
in Report 103-711 were part of the original text of VAWA and were removed
to the conference report only to avoid cluttering the U.S.Code with "'congressional
findings' that had no force of law." Id. § 5:40. VAWA, of course,
was enacted before Lopez, when the necessity of expressly finding that regulated
activity had a "substantial effect" upon commerce (rather than
just an "effect") was not altogether clear. Thus, it is particularly
telling that in passing VAWA Congress found that gender-based violence against
women does "substantially affect" interstate commerce.
11 We and the ten other circuits to consider the matter have all applied
the rational basis test to post-Lopez Commerce Clause challenges. See Hoffman,
126 F.3d 575, 583-88 (stating and applying rational basis test); United
States v. Knutson, 113 F.3d 27, 29 (5th Cir. 1997) (same); United States
v. Parker, 108 F.3d 28, 30 (3rd Cir. 1997), cert. denied, -- U.S. --, 118
S. Ct. 111, 139 L.Ed.2d 64 (1997) (same); United States v. Olin Corp., 107
F.3d 1506, 1509 (11th Cir. 1997) (same); United States v. Bramble, 103 F.3d
1475, 1482 (9th Cir. 1996) (same); Terry v. Reno, 101 F.3d 1412, 1416 (D.C.
Cir. 1996), cert. denied, 520 U.S. 1264, 117 S. Ct. 2431, 138 L.Ed.2d 193
(1997) (same); Proyect v. United States, 101 F.3d 11, 12 (2d Cir. 1996)
(same); United States v. McHenry, 97 F.3d 125, 128 (6th Cir. 1996), cert.
denied, 519 U.S. 1131, 117 S. Ct. 992, 136 L.Ed.2d 873 (1997) (same); United
States v. Hampshire, 95 F.3d 999, 1001 (10th Cir. 1996), cert. denied, --
U.S. --, 117 S. Ct. 753, 136 L.Ed.2d 690 (1997) (same); United States v.
Kenney, 91 F.3d 884, 889 (7th Cir. 1996) (same); United States v. Dinwiddie,
76 F.3d 913, 920 (8th Cir. 1996), cert. denied, -- U.S. --, 117 S. Ct. 613,
136 L.Ed.2d 538 (1996) (same).
12 Indeed, post-Lopez, numerous courts have reiterated that such deference
to congressional findings is required; "court[s] must defer to a congressional
finding that a regulated activity affects interstate commerce, if there
is any rational basis for such a finding." Terry, 101 F.3d at 1416;
Proyect, 101 F.3d at 12-13 (same); United States v. McKinney, 98 F.3d 974,
979 (7th Cir. 1996) (same), cert. denied, 520 U.S. 1110, 117 S. Ct. 1119,
137 L.Ed.2d 319 (1997); Hampshire, 95 F.3d at 1004 (same); United States
v. Kim, 94 F.3d 1247, 1250 (9th Cir. 1996) (same); United States v. Bishop,
66 F.3d 569, 577 (3d Cir. 1995), cert. denied, 516 U.S. 1066, 116 S. Ct.
750, 133 L.Ed.2d 698 (1996) (same); Cheffer v. Reno, 55 F.3d 1517, 1520-21
(11th Cir. 1995) (same); see also Knutson, 113 F.3d at 29-31 (upholding
18 U.S.C. § 922(o) solely on the basis of "congressional findings"
and noting that Lopez "made clear that federal Commerce Clause legislation
continues to merit a high degree of judicial deference"); United States
v. Monteleone, 77 F.3d 1086, 1091-92 (8th Cir. 1996) (upholding 18 U.S.C.
§ 922(d) on the basis of "explicit Congressional findings").
13 Thus, it is unsurprising that "courts have resisted urgings to extend
Lopez beyond § 922(q)." United States v. Wall, 92 F.3d 1444, 1448
(6th Cir. 1996), cert. denied, -- U.S. --, 117 S. Ct. 690, 136 L.Ed.2d 613
(1997) (upholding 18 U.S.C. § 1955, which prohibits inter alia intrastate
illegal gambling activities). Indeed, post-Lopez innumerable federal statutes
have been challenged on Commerce Clause grounds but not a single one has
been invalidated by a federal appellate court. See, e.g., Hoffman, 126 F.3d
575, 582-88 (upholding 18 U.S.C. § 248, which prohibits interference
with access to reproductive health clinics); United States v. Soderna, 82
F.3d 1370, 1373-74 (7th Cir.), cert. denied, -- U.S. --, 117 S. Ct. 507,
136 L.Ed.2d 398 (1996) (same); Dinwiddie, 76 F.3d at 919-21 (same); Terry,
101 F.3d at 1415-18 (same); Wilson, 73 F.3d at 679-88 (same); Cheffer, 55
F.3d at 1519-21 (same); Wright, 117 F.3d at 1268-1271 (upholding 18 U.S.C.
§ 922(o), which prohibits intrastate possession of machine gun, and
noting that every circuit to consider the question had so held); United
States v. Crump, 120 F.3d 462, 465-66 (4th Cir. 1997) (upholding 18 U.S.C.A.
§ 924(c)(1), which prohibits use and carrying of a firearm during and
in relation to a drug trafficking crime, and noting "all of the circuits
that have considered the question" had upheld the statute in the face
of a Lopez challenge); Olin Corp., 107 F.3d at 1509-10 (upholding CERCLA,
42 U.S.C. §§ 9601-9675); United States v. Allen, 106 F.3d 695,
700-1 (6th Cir. 1997), cert. denied, (1997) (upholding 21 U.S.C. §
860(a), the Drug Free School-Zones Act); United States v. Hawkins, 104 F.3d
437, 439-40 (D.C. Cir. 1997), cert. denied, -- U.S. --, 118 S. Ct. 126,
139 L.Ed.2d 76 (1997) (same); United States v. Wells, 98 F.3d 808, 810-11
(4th Cir. 1996) (upholding 18 U.S.C. § 922(g), which prohibits possession
of a firearm by a felon, and noting ten other circuits that had upheld its
constitutionality under Lopez); United States v. Genao, 79 F.3d 1333, 1335-37
(2d Cir. 1996) (same); United States v. Tisor, 96 F.3d 370, 373-75 (9th
Cir. 1996), cert. denied, 519 U.S. 1140, 117 S. Ct. 1012, 136 L.Ed.2d 889
(1997) (upholding congressional authority to prohibit intrastate possession
or sale of narcotics); Leshuk, 65 F.3d at 1111-12 (same); Bramble, 103 F.3d
at 1479-82 (upholding the Eagle Protection Act, 16 U.S.C. § 668); United
States v. Michael R., 90 F.3d 340, 343-45 (9th Cir. 1996) (upholding 18
U.S.C. § 922(x)(2), which prohibits juvenile possession of a handgun);
United States v. Lomayaoma, 86 F.3d 142, 144- 46 (9th Cir.), cert. denied,
-- U.S. --, 117 S. Ct. 272, 136 L.Ed.2d 196 (1996) (upholding the Indian
Major Crimes Act, 18 U.S.C. § 1153).
14 In fact, State Attorneys General from forty-one states supported the
passage of VAWA. They told Congress: "Our experience as attorneys general
strengthens our belief that the problem of violence against women is a national
one, requiring federal attention, federal leadership, and federal funds."
See Crimes of Violence Motivated by Gender: Hearing Before the Subcomm.
on Civil and Constitutional Rights of the Senate Comm. on the Judiciary,
103d Cong. 34-36 (1993) (Letter from State Attorneys General).
15 The studies referred to in the above quotation were largely State-sponsored,
including the following: Administrative Office of the California Courts
Judicial Counsel, Achieving Equal Justice for Women and Men in the Courts
(1990); Colorado Supreme Court Task Force on Gender Bias in the Courts,
Gender & Justice in the Colorado Courts (1990); Connecticut Task Force
on Gender Justice and the Courts (1991); Florida Supreme Court Gender Bias
Study Commission, Report (1990); Supreme Court of Georgia, Gender and Justice
in the Courts (1991); Illinois Task Force, Gender Bias in the Courts (1990);
Maryland Special Joint Committee, Gender Bias in the Courts (1989); Massachusetts
Supreme Judicial Court, Gender Bias Study of the Court System in Massachusetts
(1989); Michigan Supreme Court Task Force on Gender Issues in the Courts,
Final Report (1989); Minnesota Supreme Court Task Force for Gender Fairness
in the Courts, Final Report (1989); Nevada Supreme Court Gender Bias Task
Force, Justice For Women (1989); New Jersey Supreme Court Task Force, Women
in the Courts (1984); New York Task Force on Women in the Courts, Report
(1986); Rhode Island Supreme Court Committee on Women in the Courts (1987);
Utah Task Force on Gender and Justice, Report to the Utah Judicial Council
(1990); Vermont Supreme Court and Vermont Bar Association, Gender and Justice:
Report of the Vermont Task Force on Gender Bias in the Legal System (1991);
Washington State Task Force, Gender and Justice in the Courts (1989); Wisconsin
Equal Justice Task Force, Final Report (1991). See S. Rep. No. 103-138,
at 49 n.52.
16 Thus, we follow our sister circuits and hold that Lopez does not narrow
Congress's Commerce Clause authority solely "to the regulation of commercial
actors, and not private individuals who interfere with commercial activities
in interstate commerce. To the contrary, the Court . . . [has upheld] statutes
which penalize behavior substantially affecting interstate commerce without
regard to the actor's commercial or private status." Cheffer, 55 F.3d
at 1520 n. 6; see also Knutson, 113 F.3d at 30 (same); United States v.
Hicks, 106 F.3d 187, 189 (7th Cir. 1997), cert. denied, 520 U.S. 1258, 117
S. Ct. 2425, 138 L.Ed.2d 188 (1997) (same); Dinwiddie, 76 F.3d at 920-21
(same); Terry, 101 F.3d at 1417 (same); Wilson, 73 F.3d at 684-85 (same).
As Chief Judge Posner recently noted, the fact that a law was not explicitly
meant "to increase the gross national product by removing a barrier
to free trade, but rather to protect personal safety and property rights,
is irrelevant [because] . . . Congress can regulate interstate commerce
for any lawful motive." Soderna, 82 F.3d at 1374 (citing Heart of Atlanta
Motel, 379 U.S. at 256-57, 85 S. Ct. at 356-58). The Supreme Court itself
has recognized, "[a]n enterprise surely can have a detrimental influence
on interstate or foreign commerce without having its own profit-seeking
motives." National Org. for Women, Inc. v. Scheidler, 510 U.S. 249,
258, 114 S. Ct. 798, 804, 127 L.Ed.2d 99 (1994).
17 Once a court has decided that a Congressional act is within the commerce
power the only remaining question is whether "the means chosen by"
Congress are "reasonably adapted to the end permitted by the Constitution."
Hodel, 452 U.S. at 276, 101 S. Ct. at 2360 (quoting Heart of Atlanta Motel,
379 U.S. at 262, 85 S. Ct. at 360). No party contests this point, and we
hold that VAWA's civil remedy is well within appropriate congressional means.
LUTTIG, Circuit Judge, dissenting:
Fully aware of the importance of the matter before us today, I would unhesitatingly
affirm the judgment below on the essential reasoning set forth by the district
court. Brzonkala v. Virginia Polytechnic & State University, 935 F.Supp.
779 (W.D. Va. 1996). Judge Kiser's lengthy opinion is an excellent legal
analysis of the constitutionality of the Violence Against Women Act under
Article I, § 8, cl.3 of the Constitution. That analysis is thorough,
scholarly, and, most important, abidingly faithful to the Supreme Court's
decision in United States v. Lopez, 514 U.S. 549, 115 S. Ct. 1624, 131 L.Ed.2d
626 (1995). The district court's analysis describes in detail the Supreme
Court's new analytical framework for addressing Commerce Clause challenges,
and meticulously and dispassionately applies the principles and reasoning
from Lopez in addressing the challenge to the legislation at issue in this
case. Compare Hoffman v. Hunt, 126 F.3d 575, 1997 WL 578787 (4th Cir. 1997)
(same).
The district court's careful opinion brings into sharp relief not only the
analytical superficiality of the majority's opinion, but also the majority's
manifest misreading of the Supreme Court's historically significant Lopez
decision and, therefore, its fundamental misunderstanding of the import
of that decision and its implications for the Violence Against Women Act.
Among the more profound of its errors, the majority, in complete disregard
of Lopez, does not include even a single sentence-not one-of the "independent
evaluation" of the effect on interstate commerce of the Violence Against
Women Act required under that decision. See Lopez, 514 U.S. at 562, 115
S. Ct. at 1631. Ignoring entirely the overarching change in Commerce Clause
analysis wrought by Lopez, the majority merely recites several statements
from House and Senate committees on the general problem of violence against
women and the effect of that violence on the national economy, together
with a sentence from a House Report stating that violence against women
substantially affects interstate commerce (incidentally, never mentioning
that the Senate, as opposed to the House, did not conclude that such violence
substantially affects interstate commerce) and then simply states, without
more, that the Act is constitutional.
The majority thus reaches its conclusion that the Violence Against Women
Act is a constitutional exercise of the Commerce Clause power through application
of a principle of absolute judicial deference to a committee finding-precisely
what the Supreme Court held in Lopez was no longer appropriate in the review
of Commerce Clause challenges to federally enacted statutes, even for findings
by the full Congress. See, e.g., Lopez, 514 U.S. at 557 n. 2, 115 S. Ct.
at 1629 n. 2 ("[S]imply because Congress may conclude that a particular
activity substantially affects interstate commerce does not necessarily
make it so. [W]hether particular operations affect interstate commerce sufficiently
to come under the constitutional power of Congress to regulate them is ultimately
a judicial rather than a legislative question, and can be settled finally
only by this Court." (citations and internal quotation marks omitted)).
The majority's elevation of a committee's finding not merely to preeminence
among the constitutionally relevant considerations, but to a position as
dispositive of the constitutional inquiry, is not at all inadvertent; to
the contrary, it is quite intentional. In fact, trumpeting a misplaced reliance
on United States v. Leshuk, 65 F.3d 1105 (4th Cir. 1995), the majority is
at pains throughout its opinion to emphasize that it rests its conclusion
entirely on the "finding" in the House Report, which it ascribes
to the Congress as a whole and then accepts wholly and uncritically:
After four years of hearings and consideration of voluminous testimonial,
statistical, and documentary evidence, Congress made an unequivocal and
persuasive finding that violence against women substantially affects interstate
commerce. . . . Accordingly, whatever one's doubts as to whether VAWA represents
a good policy decision, we can only conclude that Congress' findings are
grounded in a rational basis.
Ante at 968 (emphasis added; citation omitted); see also id. at 966 (describing
Leshuk as "rejecting a Lopez challenge to the 'Comprehensive Drug Abuse
Prevention and Control Act' and beginning and ending our analysis by relying
totally upon Congress's 'detailed findings' on the interstate commerce effects"
(emphasis
added)); id. at 968 (again comparing majority's conclusion with that in
Leshuk and characterizing Leshuk as a case where, "[w]ithout further
ado we 'relied upon the[ ] [congressional] findings' to hold the Commerce
Clause authorized Congress to enact this statute" (quoting Leshuk,
65 F.3d at 1112; emphasis added)); id. at 973 ("Although Congressional
findings are not required, here we do have abundant legislative findings
evidencing that Congress did indeed ensure that the regulated activity substantially
affected interstate commerce. As noted above, we relied exclusively on far
less detailed Congressional findings to uphold a statute that did not regulate
economic activity and had no jurisdictional element." (Emphasis added;
citation to Leshuk omitted)).
The majority's wholesale deference to a committee finding would at least
be understandable if that committee had made extensive findings deserving
of deference. However, the majority ultimately sustains the constitutionality
of the Act literally on the basis of a single sentence appearing in that
committee report, which sentence is, itself, entirely conclusory.
After properly concluding that it cannot rely upon Congress' Section 5 findings
in support of its Commerce Clause analysis,1 and after recognizing that
the bulk of its recited findings bear only on "the enormity of the
problem" of domestic violence against women, not on that problem's
effect on interstate commerce, see ante at 966-68, the majority is left
with but a single conclusory sentence in the Report of one House to which
to defer in sustaining VAWA under Article I. See ante at 967 ("crimes
of violence motivated by gender have a substantial adverse effect on interstate
commerce. . . .").2 This lone conclusory sentence constitutes the entirety
of the "mountain of evidence," ante at 964, the "reams,"
id. at 973, the "voluminous," id. at 965, the "copious,"
id. at 966 n. 9, the "detailed," id. at 966, the "unequivocal,"
id. at 968, the "abundant," id. at 973, and the "persuasive,"
id. at 968, congressional findings upon which the majority upholds VAWA.
This one sentence is the basis upon which the majority concludes that "it
is apparent that Congress took great care to detail its findings and support
its conclusions that VAWA was within its commerce authority." Id. at
973.
It should go without saying that this one sentence is functionally no different
from a complete absence of express congressional findings. See Lopez, 514
U.S. at 562, 115 S. Ct. at 1631. This single conclusory sentence no better
"enables [the court] to evaluate the legislative judgment that the
activity in question substantially affect[s] interstate commerce,"
id. at 563, 115 S. Ct. at 1632, than would have no statement at all. Rather
than the "paradigm of judicial restraint" as the majority asserts,
ante at 965 (quoting FCC v. Beach Communications, Inc., 508 U.S. 307, 314,
113 S. Ct. 2096, 2101, 124 L.Ed.2d 211 (1993)), deference to this kind of
"finding" is judicial activism merely parading as restraint.
Related to its reflexive acceptance of the committee's conclusory finding
as to the effect on interstate commerce of domestic violence against women,
the majority, of necessity, includes scarcely even a reference to the majority
opinion in Lopez in reaching its conclusion that the Violence Against Women
Act is constitutional. Only after concluding that the Act is constitutional
does the majority perfunctorily address the bulk of the Court's most significant
pronouncements on the Commerce Clause. See, e.g., ante at 969 (noting, after
holding Act constitutional on the basis of the Committee findings alone,
that "nothing in Lopez requires a different result"). Thus, the
majority upholds the Violence Against Women Act without so much as a mention
of the economic or noneconomic character of the legislation-much less the
quite different constitutional analysis required depending upon which type
of statute is at issue;3 the presence or absence of a jurisdictional element
that would ensure case-by-case that the necessary effect on interstate commerce
exists; or the consequences of its holding for the "first principles"
of divided powers, which the Supreme Court believed so important in the
constitutional equation that it began and ended its opinion with a full
discussion of them, compare Br. for Intervenor-Appellant United States at
19 (noting that principles of federalism were of "a critical concern
to the Court in Lopez"). Consistent with the majority's view of Lopez
as a fact-specific case of little significance, these pivotal considerations
are, and plainly so, consigned to afterthought.
The majority opinion is, it should come as no surprise, categorically inconsistent
with our court's recent carefully written and analyzed opinion in Hoffman
v. Hunt, 126 F.3d 575, 586-88, wherein we upheld the Freedom of Access to
Clinic Entrances Act of 1994 ("FACE"). Indeed, the majority must
resort to mischaracterization of that opinion in order to avoid the evident
inconsistency with its own opinion. The majority states, in transparent
legerdemain, that the court in Hoffman reviewed the congressional reports
"to uphold" the Freedom of Access to Clinics Act. Ante at 968;
see also id. (stating that "similarly" to Leshuk, Hoffman relied
wholly on Congress' findings). However, in Hoffman we did not review the
congressional reports to uphold the Act; we merely reviewed them, together
with the other factors from Lopez, particularly the close and direct connection
of the regulated conduct with an economic activity, in upholding the Act.
The difference is obvious. Indeed, this is precisely the significance of
Lopez. After Lopez, it is clear that the courts are to undertake an independent
review of the relationship between the regulated activity and interstate
commerce, not simply to rubber-stamp Congress' findings as to that relationship,
as the majority does.
Similarly, the majority states that "[b]ecause Congress had made these
persuasive findings we concluded [in Hoffman] that we did not need to 'pile
inference upon inference' to find a substantial effect on interstate commerce."
Ante at 968. Again, however, we did not reason in this way at all. We did
not say that we did not need to pile inference upon inference because Congress
had made the findings; rather, and quite differently, we said that the piling
of inferences was unnecessary because our own independent determination
had revealed that there existed a real and substantial connection between
the conduct regulated under FACE and interstate commerce. Again, the difference
between Hoffman and the majority opinion, and, more importantly, between
the majority opinion and Lopez, is obvious.
Finally, in powerful irony, at the same time that the majority decides the
Commerce Clause challenge to VAWA with barely a mention of the analysis
carefully laid out by the Supreme Court in Lopez, the majority does not
include even a single sentence of discussion of the district court's exhaustive
analysis that it summarily reverses-an analysis which actually is, in contrast
to the majority's opinion, scrupulously faithful not only to Supreme Court
precedent, but to our Circuit precedent as well.
In short, the majority opinion reads, as intended, as if Lopez were never
decided, holding for our Circuit, explicitly on the authority of Judge Kravitch's
opinion in United States v. Wright, 117 F.3d 1265, 1269 (11th Cir. 1997),
and implicitly on the reasoning advocated by the dissenting Justices in
Lopez, that "'Lopez did not alter our approach to determining whether
a particular statute falls within the scope of Congress's Commerce Clause
authority.'" Ante at 969. Indeed, as the majority tacitly acknowledges,
with understandable reluctance, it views Lopez, the most significant Commerce
Clause decision in more than half a century, as an aberration, a case limited
in its reach to section 922(q), of Title 18, of the United States Code.
See ante at 969 n. 13 ("[I]t is unsurprising that 'courts have resisted
urgings to extend Lopez beyond § 922(q).'" (citations omitted)).
I suspect that, even in its discretion, the Supreme Court would not allow
today's decision to stand, not only because of the decision's bold intransigence
in the face of the Court's recent decision, but also because the Commerce
Clause challenge to the instant statute pristinely presents the Court with
the logical next case in its considered revisitation of the Commerce Clause.
Because today's decision wholly ignores the Supreme Court's analysis in
Lopez and conflicts directly with our recent post-Lopez decision in Hoffman
v. Hunt, however, I have every hope that our own court will obviate the
need for such further review.
I respectfully dissent.
1 For its unexplained conclusion that violence
against women has a substantial effect on interstate commerce and therefore
is a valid exercise of Congress' Commerce Clause power, the majority properly
does not rely on the findings Congress made to justify VAWA under Section
5 of the Fourteenth Amendment. Thus, the majority distinguishes between
the findings made in support of Congress' exercise of its Section 5 power
and the findings made in support of Congress' exercise of its Commerce Clause
power, as does the Department of Justice. Compare Br. of Intervenor-Appellant
United States at 4, 6-8 (detailing congressional findings on the "Impact
on the National Economy and Interstate Commerce"), with id. at 9-16
(detailing congressional findings on the "Bias in State Judicial Systems");
compare also id. at 965-970 (arguing in reliance upon findings recited at
4-8 that VAWA is a valid exercise of Congress' power under the Commerce
Clause), with id. at 961-965 (arguing in reliance upon findings recited
at 9-16 that VAWA is a valid exercise of Congress' power under Section 5).
It may be, as the Department of Justice contends, that congressional findings
that the civil rights of women are being violated bear on the question of
whether a statute impermissibly encroaches on traditional state functions.
See Br. for Intervenor-Appellant United States at 32 ("An exercise
of Commerce Clause power cannot plausibly be invalidated on the basis of
federalism concerns where the declared purpose of the statute, supported
by extensive legislative evidence, is to secure the civil rights the states
have failed to protect." (emphasis added)). But, as the Department
and the majority both recognize, it would be untenable to hold that such
findings even bear on, much less largely resolve, the threshold question
of whether violence against women has an effect on interstate commerce at
all.
2 The majority cites to only one other sentence from the four years of congressional
debate in support of its holding, and that sentence from a Senate committee
report does not even purport to find that gender-motivated violence substantially
affects interstate commerce (although the majority seems to presume that
it does). See id. at 967 ("Gender-based crimes and the fear of gender-based
crimes restricts movement, reduces employment opportunities, increases health
expenditures, and reduces consumer spending, all of which affect interstate
commerce and the national economy."). The sentence speaks more to the
effects of such violence on the economy in general than on interstate commerce,
in any event.
3 So far afield is the majority's reasoning from that of the Supreme Court
in Lopez, that the majority all but holds that the character of legislation
as "economic" or "noneconomic" is irrelevant under Lopez.
See ante at 972 ("The Lopez Court did not strike down § 922(q)
because it regulated non-economic activity. The Court invalidated §
922(q) because neither Congress nor the Government convinced the Court that
there was a rational basis for concluding that possession of a gun in a
school zone substantially affected interstate commerce." (citation
omitted)); id. ("Even if the regulated activity itself had to have
an economic nexus . . .").
APPENDIX C
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
W.D. VIRGINIA
ROANOKE DIVISION
Civil Action No. 95-1358-R
CHRISTY BRZONKALA, PLAINTIFF
v.
VIRGINIA POLYTECHNIC AND STATE UNIVERSITY,
ET AL., DEFENDANTS
July 26, 1996
MEMORANDUM OPINION
KISER, Chief Judge.
On March 1, 1996, Christy Brzonkala filed an amended complaint alleging
violations of Title IX of the Education Amendment Act, 20 U.S.C. §
1681, et seq., of Title III of the Violence Against Women Act, 42 U.S.C.
§ 13981 ("VAWA"), and of various state laws. Brzonkala brought
claims against Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University ("VPI"),
William Landsidle in his capacity as Comptroller of the Commonwealth, and
three VPI football players, Antonio Morrison, James Crawford, and Cornell
Brown.
I dismissed the claims against VPI, William Landsidle, and Cornell Brown,
and now I will consider the claims against Morrison and Crawford. Only the
VAWA and some state law claims remain.
I. Alleged Facts
Brzonkala is an adult female who resides in Fairfax, Virginia. She attended
VPI where she was a "student athlete" and a prospect for the women's
softball team. Morrison and Crawford are adult males. They attend VPI where
they are members of the all-male football team. On the night of September
21, 1994 and the morning of the next day, Brzonkala was sexually assaulted
in a room on the third floor of her dormitory by two men whom she and Hope
Handley, another female student, had met less than a half-hour earlier and
whose identities she knew only by given names and by their status as football
team members. Brzonkala alleges that the two men forced her to have sexual
intercourse by threat and intimidation and through the use of Brzonkala's
"mental incapacity and physical helplessness." She alleges that
the two men's acts "were motivated wholly by discriminatory animus
toward her gender and were not random acts of violence." Brzonkala
reported that she was not inebriated at the time of the assaults. About
five months later, Brzonkala learned that the assailants were Morrison and
Crawford.
On September 21, Brzonkala, Handley, Morrison, and Crawford were in a room
on the third floor of Brzonkala's dormitory. Handley and Crawford left the
room following fifteen minutes of conversation, and Morrison immediately
requested intercourse with Brzonkala. Brzonkala audibly told Morrison "no"
twice. When Brzonkala rose to leave, Morrison forced |